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Julio Jeldres' open letter to Australian PM John Howard on Hun Sen's visit to Australia
Ambassador Julio A. Jeldres
Official Biographer of His Majesty The King Father
Samdech Preah Upayuvareach Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia
Chairman of The Khmer Institute of Democracy
An Open Letter to the Right Honourable John Howard, MP.
Prime Minister of Australia
26 September 2006
The Rt. Honourable John Howard, MP
Prime Minister of Australia
Parliament House
CANBERRA, ACT 2600
Dear Mr. Howard,
CAMBODIA: VISIT TO AUSTRALIA BY PRIME MINISTER HUN SEN
I was most interested in your interview on ABC Radio/Radio Australia (Pacific Beat) on 14 September 2006 in which you stated that Australia “remains concerned about the level of corruption and poor governance” in the Solomon Islands, adding that “I have no doubt that the people of the Solomon Islands want Australia to remain involved and committed and our goal is to help the people of the Solomon Islands. We are not trying to take sides politically, but we are determined that if Australia is to continue to pour the millions of our taxpayers dollars into that country, in return we have to see some improvement in economic growth, and some reduction in corruption and some improvement in governance”.
I would like to express my sincere congratulations for those noble words. I am sure the people of the Solomon Islands have welcomed your remarks and applauded their conviction.
It is most regrettable, however, that the same policy, so nobly enunciated by you on that ABC Radio interview does not apply to the people of Cambodia, who have suffered so much through no fault of their own.
Indeed, I was greatly disturbed to learn that you will be hosting the Cambodian Prime Minister on an official visit to Australia from 8 to 14 October 2006. I find it insulting, as an Australian citizen, that my government should invite to Australia, at the tax payer’s expense, one of the most undemocratic leaders of Southeast Asia, who presides over one of the most corrupt government in the world, where there is no rule of law, complete lack of transparency and good governance and where any criticism or peaceful opposition is met by threats, imprisonment and often death.
May I, respectfully give you some facts, some food for thought, about Mr. Hun Sen’s Cambodia, that may be your advisers and intelligence services failed to provide you before this outrageous invitation was issued to him to visit our country:
DRUGS: Cambodia, under Mr. Hun Sen’s rule has become a centre for criminal organizations involved in illicit drug production and trafficking, smuggling and exploitation of human beings, kidnappings, arms trafficking and extortion. Hundreds of kilograms of heroin pass through its territory every year destined for countries such as Australia. It is estimated that 10 to 20 kilos of heroin are trafficked through Cambodia every day.
Indeed, the 400 grams of heroin that Nguyen Tuong Van carried when he was arrested and then executed in Singapore, last year, came from Cambodia.
More than 100.000 methamphetamine tablets enter Cambodia each day. 25 % of that number is exported to Thailand and the reminder 75% to countries such as Australia, the US and Europe.
1,000 tons of marijuana are produced annually, mostly for export. Australia is one of the major destinations. According to a report by the Australian National Council on Drugs, to be made public in Sydney tomorrow, Cambodia is now the world's biggest source of cannabis.
Two of Mr. Hun Sen’s closest friends have been identified as involved in drug trafficking, one of them has been banned from ever visiting the United States. Mr. Hun Sen has taken no action against these people and they remain in his inner circle of friends.
Human Trafficking: Australia has made recently a generous contribution to the fight against human trafficking in the Mekong region. Yet in Cambodia, the Director of the National Police, a close associate of Mr. Hun Sen, has been denied a visa to enter the USA because the State Department felt there “were sufficient reports and allegations concerning his role in trafficking in persons to justify the visa denial”. Yet this same person has, I am reliably informed, a multi entry visa for Australia.
Corruption: Article 1 of Cambodia's constitution states that the country will be governed according to the principles of "liberal democracy and pluralism". But when Hun Sen’s government grants long leases or concessions to development companies to work on state-owned land, it pays little heed to the wishes of the people who make a living on that land.
Not very democratic, especially when the companies seem to be closely connected to senior members of the government or armed forces. If you speak to ordinary Cambodians about democracy, they will tell you two things. First, that the land is being stolen from the people, 85% of whom live in rural areas and 75% of whom are subsistence farmers. And second, that corruption is everywhere, from the top to the bottom of society.
U.N. human-rights expert Peter Leuprecht says his last visit to Cambodia in November 2005, left him more pessimistic than ever about the future of the country.
He said the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen seems to be increasingly autocratic and is concentrating power behind what he calls a shaky facade of democracy.
Mr. Leuprecht calls impunity a "gangrene" that undermines the fabric of Cambodian society. He says the necessary mechanisms for accountability are not in place.
"The judiciary is very weak," he said. "There is no separation of powers in Cambodia, and the rule of law, also in this respect, is elusive. Now, among many other things, impunity fosters corruption, which is endemic in Cambodia. It is everywhere, at all levels."
Let me, Mr. Prime Minister, give you, one more example, to illustrate my point even better. Cambodia’s health record is among the worst in Asia. Maternal mortality rates are the highest in the region, with 437 deaths per 100.000 live births. One in ten babies does not live and more than 60,000 babies die every year of malnutrition or diseases that can be prevented or cured.
Yet, between 5 and 10 per cent of the health budget disappears before it is paid out by the Ministry of Finance to the Ministry of Health. More money, including probably Australian aid, is then siphoned off as funds are channelled down from the national government to the provincial governors and to the directors of operational districts, and then to the directors or managers of local hospitals and clinics.
Mr. Hun Sen has made promises every single time a Donor’s Meeting has been held that he will root out these practices. Time and time again, the international community have believed him and granted him additional funds, which end up never reaching the poor people of Cambodia but rather the pockets of corrupt officials. And legislation promised to curb corruption has never been enacted.
Governance and rule of the law: Alexander Downer seems to enjoy telling me, every time I make representations on the situation in Cambodia, that the country “enjoys stability and has made significant progress since the end of the Khmer Rouge regime and subsequent civil unrest”. If that is the case, why is it that every one is so scare in Cambodia? From members of the Royal Family to public servants, judges, teachers and ordinary citizens, everybody is scare.
Everything depends on one individual, Hun Sen, and that is, I am afraid not really a precondition under which good governance, rule of law and human rights can flourish.
The fact is that today Cambodia is a Potemkin democracy, with the sham façade of elections and a constitutional monarchy but the dreary reality of an uninterrupted dictatorship since Mr. Hun Sen took charge of the country, with the absence of a real opposition, parliamentary debate and an independent judiciary.
The David Wilson case: Last but not least, Hun Sen is directly responsible for the death of our compatriot David Wilson of Melbourne. At the time, in 1994, I was still living in Phnom Penh and was asked to receive General Chea Dara, who was the officer of the Royal Cambodian Army in charge of negotiating with the rogue Khmer Rouge elements who had kidnapped Mr. Wilson and his two European companions. I did receive General Chea Dara and he asked me to convey a message to King Sihanouk and also to the Australian Embassy. The message was: “Please pay the ransom and do not attempt to shell the place where the hostages are being held”. I informed His Majesty and also Mr. Paul Griegson, then Deputy Chief of Mission in Phnom Penh. I also informed another Australian embassy officer, who was the ASIS attaché at the Embassy.
General Chea Dara explained to me that Hun Sen wanted to shell the Khmer Rouge encampment in order to get sympathy from the international community, to obtain arms and military equipment and to maintain the belief that the Khmer Rouge were still a problem in Cambodia, in order to win over his rivals and be seen as the person that solved the Khmer Rouge problem.
What happened next is well known, while first Prime Minister Prince Ranariddh was on a trip to Malaysia, Hun Sen ordered the shelling of the Khmer Rouge encampment where Mr. Wilson and his European companions were held, and the later were executed by their captors.
For all the above reasons, I believe Mr. Hun Sen should not be welcome to our country, to do so would send the wrong message. It would convey the idea that Australia supports Mr. Hun Sen and his undemocratic actions.
Asian history is littered with aspiring democracy movements that rose only to be crushed by authoritarian regimes while the West looked on silence. This attitude of the West, Australia included, has had a lasting impact on the region’s democratic development. It is time, Sir that you and the Foreign Minister cease approaching Cambodia with a guilty historical conscience and address the abysmal rights record of Mr. Hun Sen and his close associates.
I would respectfully urge, Mr. Prime Minister, to treat the people of Cambodia, who have suffered more than the people of the Solomon Islands, with the same respect you have shown for the people of the Solomon Islands and not to insult them by welcoming Mr. Hun Sen to Australia.
Yours sincerely,
(JULIO A. JELDRES)
The symbol of the Vietnamese aggression against Cambodia
CFC/CBC Newsletter Sep 27, 2006
Communiqué
The symbol of the Vietnamese aggression against Cambodia
The Hanoi’s decision to install today the first new Cambodia-Vietnam border marker in Bavet, in Khmer Svay Rieng province, is not certainly the merest chance. As always, even before the arrival of the French in Indochina, and even after the signing of the Vietnamese 1985 Treaty until this year 2006, Cambodian people in Svay Rieng have never stopped fighting fiercely against the encroachment and the occupation of their ancestral land by the Vietnamese forces resulting from their successive political regimes.
In fact, the installation of this border marker is another political act without appropriate juridical basis. This marker just replaces the first one erected by Hanoi in 1986, just after the signing of the treaty dated on December 27, 1985, during the occupation of Cambodia by Vietnam. The invocation of the “Additional Treaty to the 1985 Treaty” signed in October-November 2005 is not sufficient for the installation of border markers. The process of border demarcation and border markers planting must be subordinated to another law voted by the Parliaments of both countries, defining in detail, at level of the bordering communes, the respective land ownership of the both countries. This law, which defends also the interest of population living along the borders, is legitimated by the principle of “respect of the reality of administration and the real occupation by the population for several generations”, principle which is stipulated in the mentioned “Additional Treaty”.
None of the above procedures has been done. In fact, none of documents from various Cambodian Administrations dated before 1979 has been used by Hun Sen government for its negotiations with Hanoi. And, even with the pretext that all these documents have been “destructed during the Khmer Rouge regime”, there are still evident proofs attested by the “actual occupation of the population for several generations” on these Khmer lands that must be taken into consideration.
For the province of Svay Rieng case, there are not, as we all know, a shortage of the Cambodian villagers’ testimonies. In addition, the testimonies from the CPP members are not lacking either, from those who were high ranking “revolutionary” leaders of this province as they know the fact even more than other people. We just mention three of them: Mr Chea Sim, born in Svay Rieng, was Secretary of Kampuchea’s Communist Party for the Section Ampil from 1954-1959, and then a leader in this province from 1959 to 1966, before becoming the Secretary of Sector 20 for the East Zone until 1978; Mr Heng Samrin, who always lived also with his family in Svay Rieng, was the Commander of Kampuchea’s Communist Party in the South East provinces since 1970, and then the Commander of the 4th Division of the East Zone during the Democratic Kampuchea era until May 1978; Mr Chan Vèn, also born in Svay Rieng, previously teacher in Svay Rieng and ex-General Secretary of the Popular Republic of Kampuchea’s State Council, has already, according to a document at that time, contested against the “transfer of lands in Svay Rieng to Vietnam”… Why all these Cambodian “high ranking” leaders chose to keep quiet now?
Consequently, the new Vietnamese border marker is very symbolic for several reasons. Firstly, it is the symbol of Vietnam’s aggression “triumph” against Cambodia and the witness of Cambodian People Party’s total submission to the Communist Party of Vietnam.
Paris, September 27th 2006
Sean Péngsè
President of the Cambodia’s Border Committee
in France and Worldwide,
Sam Rainsy's Reply to the National Election Committee
Sam Rainsy's Reply to the National Election Committee
Letter published in The Phnom Penh Post - September 22, 2006
REPLY TO THE NATIONAL ELECTION COMMITTEE
I am puzzled to learn that, according to NEC Secretary-General Tep Nytha, "it was to satisfy the opposition parties that the voter cards of the previous elections were abandoned as a valid document both to register and to vote." This would be indeed the first time that the CPP-dominated NEC would have made a decision with far-reaching consequences just to satisfy the opposition! We did denounce some irregularities in the past but the remedy they now choose proves to be worse than the disease.
Voter cards were the most commonly used documents until the last elections in 2003. I maintain that suppressing these voter cards under the present conditions, with so little preparations, and adopting new procedures for registering and voting creates confusion that tends to exclude many non-CPP members from the election process. Only those who are registered as CPP members receive adequate information, assistance and facilities to ensure that they will be able to cast their ballots on Voting Day. This can be explained by the fact that virtually all the officials who deal with potential voters (village chiefs, commune chiefs, commune clerks, police officers and election officials) are affiliated with the CPP or are not in a position to disobey the CPP.
Tep Nytha refers to the existing election law as a legal constraint that would not allow the NEC to devise and implement a more open process. He should specify that this law and subsequent amendments were adopted by the current CPP-dominated National Assembly in spite of protests from the opposition. Up to mid-2006, when all important decisions for the next elections had already been made, the NEC was exclusively composed of members who came from the CPP and its ally Funcinpec.
As justification of the new registering and voting procedures stemming from the suppression of voter cards, the NEC puts forward its good intentions such as the desire to help voters and to increase their awareness of, and participation in, the election process. But the NEC's initiative actually creates an unnecessary, untimely and unfair hurdle for millions of potential voters, especially those who are not affiliated with the CPP, as evidenced by countless reports from independent sources about the resulting confusion that prevails throughout the country. It is sometimes worth remembering that the road to hell is paved with good intentions...
Many observers are not inclined to follow the technicalities of the new registering and voting procedures, which appear to be full of boring details. But in many cases such as election preparations, the Devil is in the details.
Tep Nytha writes: "As imposed by the electoral law, the period for voter registration begins on October 1st and ends on December 31 st; not in the worst of the rainy season from August to October as mentioned in Sam Rainsy's letter." In fact, the crucial period is much shorter: between October 1st and October 20 th , when names and other personal data have to be corrected on voter lists and first-time registrations have to be made. That period will be hectic with both voters and commune officials facing unusual constraints and pressure, especially in the most densely populated communes that are the opposition's strongholds (it makes little sense to reason in terms of average for Cambodia's 1,621 communes as Tep Nytha does in his letter).
This year will be different from the previous years because the requirements for voters for the upcoming 2007 elections will be different from the previous elections. At the previous elections, voters could solely rely on their voter cards to simultaneously prove their voting right and their identity at the polling stations. There was no need for them to make any prior demarche before Voting Day (such as checking the accuracy of their names and other data) at their commune offices and there was no need to worry about having an ID card. The suppression of voter cards this year means that they now have to verify the accuracy of their registration on their commune's voter lists and to get a national ID card from the police, which is problematic for many people, especially the poor in the countryside.
In the ongoing and unusual CPP membership drive throughout the country, villagers who accept to adhere to the ruling party are provided with the adequate support to go through all the administrative procedures so as to effectively preserve their voting right. This is political discrimination.
The Cambodia Daily on September 20 th reported: "Ngeth Virak, commune clerk for Satpoang commune in Kampot province's Chhuk district, said that names, dates of birth or places of birth on nearly 85 percent of the [voter information] notices issued to villagers in his commune did not match the information on their identity cards." I have received similar information from many communes in several provinces showing serious errors pertaining to names, genders, ages and addresses. I am afraid that failure to correct those voter list information errors within the October 1st to October 20 th registration period may result in many voters being turned away at the polls in 2007.
Tep Nytha minimizes problems when he writes: "As in any country with a permanent electoral list, the procedure for correcting a name is swift and easy: simply show up with any legal ID document and the Clerk of the Commune/Sangkat will fill the paperwork for the correction to be done." Only naive observers would believe such a statement that ignores the administrative harassment faced everyday by non-CPP supporters.
Sam Rainsy
Member of Parliament
I accept that they praise the S.R.N. but I do not accept that they pretend ...
I accept that they praise the S.R.N.
but I do not accept that they pretend to imitate it
in the current pro-Cambodia politics,
By Norodom Sihanouk
in French
September 19, 2006
CAMDSIC
1- In a written Speech given a few months ago, at the Royal Palace , H.E. Samdech Chea Sim rendered justice and praised the S.R.N. (Sangkum Reastr Niyum). And, a few days later, H.E. Samdech Heng Samrin, also at the Phnom Penh Royal Palace , did the same thing.
These 2 official speeches can be found on my Internet Website and in my BMD.
Of course, the great CPP had the nobility of heart and spirit to perform this historical act in favor of the S.R.N., but [the CPP] equally had the wisdom to not claim that the CPP “imitates” the S.R.N.
2- The newborn “Sangkum Cheat Niyum” of H.R.H. Prince S.Thomico, proclaims to the world that it – Sangkum Cheat Niyum – will imitate the Sangkum Cheat Niyum in its politics and its pro-Homeland, pro-People, pro-Nation action.
In this regard, I cannot accept that one pretends one can do again for Cambodia what the S.R.N. had done for the Homeland, the Nation, the People between the years 1955 and 1969.
Here are some reasons why I do not accept this proclamation and this claim by H.R.H. Thomico and his S.C.N.:
a- The geographical, political, diplomatic characteristics of our Country, the “way of life”, the “philosophy”, etc… of our People itself are not at all the same as they were under the SRN. And it would take a super-Tevoda or Indra himself to change right now the 2nd Kingdom to the 1st Kingdom.
b- H.R.H. Thomico himself, during the S.R.N. era, was anti-SRN.
On the day following the Lon Nol and Sirik Matak (own uncle of Thomico) Putsch, while his own Father (Samdech Sisowath Methavi) and his own Mother (Princess Nanette Izzi Methavi), nobly and heroically, chose to follow me until their death, Prince Thomico decided to fight “without ever backing down” (in his own words) for the “Khmer Republic” of Lon Nol, his idol and his model. Therefore, the “vintage 2006” choice of the SRN model and of the Royalism, made by Thomico and his SCN cannot be explained.
3- In regards to the current Funcinpec, it would not be right to qualify the last of these “Mohicans” as [being] pro-Ranariddh, or pro-Marie Eng, or pro-Phalla, and not at all Royalists or Sihanoukists. In 1993, H.R.H. Samdech K.P., on the morrow of the victory of the Funcinpec to the (UNTAC) legislative elections, confessed to me that his Wife (Princess Marie), H.E. Sam Rainsy and himself were absolutely against the granting (Samdech N. Ranariddh and his propagandists told the People about “transter”) of State or Governmental Power to N. Sihanouk by the triumphant Funcinpec.
Signed: N. Sihanouk
Translation notes:
1- The Mohicans are a Native American tribe who lived in and around the Hudson Valley . The Last of the Mohicans (1826) is a novel by James Fenimore Cooper. The story involves a dying tribe called the Mohicans in which only two are left as well as one adopted white man, thus the title of the book.
2- Marie Eng is also known as Princess Marie Ranariddh, wife of Prince Ranariddh. She is also the sister of Roland Eng, one former Cambodian ambassador to the US.
Analysis of the Thai’s Coup d'Etat
Cartoon by sacrava.blogspot.com
By Monireak Keo
CAMDISC
September 20, 2006
The military coup in Thailand that took place on September 19, 2006 is not totally disconnected from the events in Cambodia .
As reported by some political analysts, the coup had the tacit support of King Bhumibol. We all know that Thai people, especially those living in Bangkok , are very unhappy with Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra over the sale of his family’s $1.9 billion telecommunication company to Singaporean investors without paying a single baht in taxes. This transaction enraged many Thais. Additionally, Thai people accused the Prime Minister of abusing his power by enriching himself further through corruption, by weakening democratic institutions, and manipulating the country’s court system.
The reform of 1997 Thai constitution had allowed Prime Minister Thaksin to accumulate a great amount of power that is near absolute. However, what finally brought the Prime Minister down was his veiled attack on the revered Thai King. Prime Minister Thaksin was very unpopular in Bangkok but he is still very popular in the countryside because of his policy by subsidizing healthcare and giving cash payouts to poor people. Sensing his strong popularity in the countryside that is almost equal to the King, the Prime Minister got bolder by saying in his June 2006 speech that a “charismatic person” was out to remove him from his Prime Minister position. Furthermore, he went on to say that a mysterious figure that he refused to name was “wielding extraconstitutional force” to push him from office. That speech did not go out unnoticed by King Bhumibol. It angered the king and his chief advisor, General Prem Tinsulanonda. Prime Minister Thaksin had made a major error. One shall not attack, even in an indirect fashion, the king of Thailand .
Seizing on this opportunity, small local businessmen everywhere have petitioned the king to block big foreign investments that are sprouting up all over the country which hurt small Thai businesses. In the meantime, King Bhumibol is also paying close attention to the event that is happening in Cambodia . The king noticed a similarity in style of governance and personality between Prime Minister Thaksin and Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia . He notices that Prime Minister Hun Sen has been denigrating Father-King Sihanouk and abusing the Khmer monarchy any which way he wants. King Bhumibol does not want to see the same thing happens to Thailand . He wants to clamp down on Prime Minister Thaksin while he still can and while he is still alive to preserve the institution of the Thai monarchy. If the king allowed Prime Minister Thaksin’s words go unchallenged, it will escalate into something bigger and harder to stop like the fate of the Khmer monarchy that is becoming the joke of the world.
To remind the Thai Prime Minister who is really in charge of the country, the king’s chief advisor, General Prem, put on his military uniform and toured the army camps across the country and reminded the soldiers that their loyalties rest with the king and not with the Prime Minister. From that day on it is all downhill for the Prime Minister.
Poor Sihanouk! Why can’t he be like King Bhumibol? Now that Thaksin is gone, Hun Sen has all the theaters to himself. However, I do not see Hun Sen being toppled like Thaksin. The only way Hun Sen can be removed is through his own people coming from his own party. All people surrounding Hun Sen are either loyal or scared of Hun Sen or both. Cambodia will be under Hun Sen’s grip for a very long time, unless…
Thai prime minister's style split nation
(AP Photo/Virginia Mayo, File)
Thai prime minister's style split nation
By MICHAEL CASEY,
Associated Press Writer
Wed Sep 20, 6:24 AM ET
It took 18 months for Thaksin Shinawatra to go from the biggest election victor in his country's history to the target of a successful military coup.
It was a dramatic fall for the 57-year-old billionaire who described himself a new breed of politician able to revitalize Thailand by running it like a company.
Critics claimed he was authoritarian, arrogant and survived by pitting the rural majority against the country's urban elite.
"We warned Thaksin a long time ago about this," said Suriyasai Katasila, a spokesman for the anti-Thaksin protest group People's Alliance for Democracy. "Thaksin and the government just claimed that they won the election by a landslide, so they could use their power as they pleased."
Thaksin, who hails from a family of silk merchants and was educated in the United States, rose to power on a populist platform in 2001 as Thailand was recovering from Asia's devastating financial crisis.
He courted controversy even before he took office.
A week before the 2001 election, Thaksin was charged with concealing assets in his telecommunications empire by transferring shares to relatives, his chauffeur, maid and others. At one point, two of his domestic servants were among the top 10 shareholders on Thailand's stock exchange.
However, Thaksin won over voters by accusing the incumbent Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai of neglecting the poor and failing to properly manage the country's economy.
Thaksin nurtured his core constituency in the countryside, lavishing the poor rural majority with virtually free health care, a three-year debt suspension program for farmers and low-interest loans for poor villages.
But his popularity in the countryside was matched by growing criticism in the cities, where activists and intellectuals portrayed him as an autocrat masquerading as a democrat. They accused him of disregarding human rights, muffling the press and blurring the lines between his private businesses and politics.
Thaksin came under fire for a war on drugs that left 2,300 Thais dead over a three-month period. Human rights groups complained police were turned loose to kill drug dealers and users at will. Thaksin defended the police, saying drug lords turned against each other, and he noted that drug use dropped.
He also was accused of mishandling the worsening Muslim insurgency in southern Thailand, after he imposed a state of emergency that led to rights abuses and failed to stem the violence, which has left more than 1,700 dead.
But it wasn't until late last year that his authority was truly tested.
What started in October as a minor protest led by publisher Sondhi Limthongkul caught fire in January, after Thaksin sold the family's controlling stake in telecommunications company Shin Corp. to Singapore's state investment company, Temasek Holdings, for $1.9 billion. No tax was paid on the sale.
Critics say the Shin deal involved insider trading and tax dodges, and complained that national assets — including communications satellites — were sold to a foreign government.
Anger over the sale helped the movement attract middle-class voters, students and business leaders, prompting street rallies that became nightly protests and at times drew more than 100,000 people demanding his resignation.
Thaksin responded by dissolving the parliament in February, and called snap elections to defuse the protests. But opposition parties boycotted the polls and millions of voters marked an abstention box on their ballots as a protest against the prime minister.
The Parliament could not be convened and the vote was ruled invalid by the courts, forcing the new polls to be held later this year.
Thaksin initially said he would step down to ease the crisis but in recent weeks had been acting and talking like a politician on the comeback trail.
Just days ago in New York, Thaksin made light of the ongoing political crisis, comparing Thailand to a "child learning to walk" and refusing to say what his future held.
"I, for one, haven't seen a child learning to walk without bumping his bottom constantly," he told a crowd in New York. "As adults, we must learn to live with the pain and the pangs of democracy, lest we throw out the baby with the bath water."
STATEMENT of September 18, 2006 by Julio A. Jeldres
Download MS Office Word at http://www.cambodia.org/temp/Satetement_180906.doc
STATEMENT
by
Ambassador Julio A. Jeldres
Official Biographer of His Majesty the King Father
Samdech Preah Upayuvareach NORODOM SIHANOUK of Cambodia
Chairman of the Khmer Institute of Democracy
Melbourne, 18 September 2006
My attention has been drawn to an article by the respected Deutsche Press-Agentur (German Press Agency) in today’s Bangkok Post in which it is reported that Cambodian Prime Minister has, once again threatened members of the Cambodian Royal Family, because they have dared to express their opinions, as Cambodian citizens and as entitled by the Cambodian Constitution of 1993, on issues affecting the development, reconstruction, sovereignty and national reconciliation of Cambodia.
Once again, Prime Minister Hun Sen, has threatened those who do not agree with him or his policies which have led Cambodia to become a failed state, with the loss of their lives by suggesting that “please find a coffin if your intention is to disturb the constitution”. This is yet another example of the violent nature of Cambodia’s authoritarian leader.
With this new evidence at hand, I call on Judge Iv Kim Sree of Phnom Penh Municipal Court, to acknowledge that he made a serious mistake on Friday 15 September 2006 by condemning me to pay US$ 4,500 to Prime Minister Hun Sen for allegedly having “defamed” him when I stated that he is a violent man and I ask him to reverse his verdict.
I realize that in Cambodia’s Potemkin democracy this will not happen and that, unfortunately, the Western countries that bankroll the regime approach Cambodia with a guilty historical conscience and seem increasingly loath to criticize the Cambodian People’s Party abysmal rights record, corruption and abuse of power, but my question is how many more Cambodians must die before countries such as Australia, France, Japan, Germany, Britain and the United States recognize that they are dealing with a new psychopath and violent ruler and that their association with Hun Sen’s regime is not helping the people of Cambodia but creating a wider gap between the ruling class and the little people of Cambodia, who continue to suffer at the hands of the regime.
I, once again, call on the Rt. Hon. John Howard, Prime Minister of Australia, not to dishonour the values held dear by the people of Australia by inviting Hun Sen to come to this country for an official visit at the tax payers’ expense.
*********************
STATEMENT ON MY [Ambassador Julio A. Jeldres] "TRIAL" IN PHNOM PENH
STATEMENT
by
Ambassador Julio A. Jeldres
Official Biographer of His Majesty the King Father
Samdech Preah Upayuvareach NORODOM SIHANOUK of Cambodia
Chairman of the Khmer Institute of Democracy
Melbourne, 16 September 2006
____________________
I was found guilty by a Cambodian “Court” yesterday of defaming the Cambodian Prime Minister, Hun Sen, for suggesting that the Cambodian leader used violence to silence his critics. I reject the verdict as it comes from a “Court” that is non-independent and totally controlled by the Cambodian People’s Party, the ruling party of Cambodian politics.
I do not intend to pay the fine of 18 million riel (US$ 4,338) to the Cambodian Prime Minister, because I do not believe that the “Court” case was a fair one. Even if I had the money, I would not pay the fine, as to do so would be to recognize the mockery of justice, the corruption and lack of impartiality of the legal system that exists in that Southeast Asian country.
I maintain my assertion that the Prime Minister is a violent ruler. I base my argument in the following cases:
1) The grenade attack against a peaceful demonstration of the Sam Rainsy Party on 30 March 1997, in which 16 people lost their lives and over 150 were wounded, including a US citizen. According to a report by the FBI, shown to Mr. Sid Balman , Diplomatic writer of UPI, who wired on 21 August 1997, that the “Clinton administration has concluded that Cambodian strongman Hun Sen was complicit in a bloody grenade attack on a rally of political opponents during March, and that the government he installed following a coup in July obtains much of its financing from narcotics traffickers”;
2) Mr. Ho Sok, the late Secretary of State of the Ministry of Interior, whom was executed in July 1997 within the premises of the Ministry of Interior, after he had been warned by the Prime Minister “to wear a helmet” if Ho Sok proceeded with his investigation of marijuana trafficking by a close associate of the PM. Until today there has never been any report of the investigation ordered by Mr. Sar Kheng, Minister of the Interior and announced to the US Ambassador to Cambodia on 23 July 1997;
3) The extra judicial execution of several senior Cambodian Army officers of the FUNCINPEC Party during the coup of July 1997 by forces under the command of Hun Sen. These executions have been amply documented by the UN and other International organizations but the Cambodian government has never provided a proper explanation for them.
4) The killing of my friend Om Rassady, the killing of Chea Vichea and the killings of many other Cambodian journalists for denouncing the corruption of the Phnom Penh regime. Their murders have never been explained.
Until such time as when the Cambodian government and Prime Minister Hun Sen have provided proper explanations for the above-mentioned executions and killings I shall maintain my assertion that the Prime Minister is a violent ruler.
I call on the Australian Government to cancel the invitation extended to Prime Minister Hun Sen to visit this country. If the Australian Government wishes to be taken seriously about its concern for terrorism, democracy and rule of the law in this region, it should not dishonour itself by receiving officially, at tax payer’s expense, a man that is responsible for so much of the suffering and bloodshed in Cambodia in recent years.
Prince Ranariddh, Funcinpec president, has filed a divorce from Princess Marie Norodom Ranariddh. On 13 Sept
By S. Rith
Rasmei Kampuchea
Translated from Khmer by Heng Soy
Prince Ranariddh, Funcinpec president, has filed a divorce from Princess Marie Norodom Ranariddh. On 13 Sept, the court had summoned the couple for a reconciliation attempt.
The news of the court summon for a reconciliation attempt has created a stir among reporters, several of whom came to the court to try to get details on this information. A source at the Phnom Penh municipal court told Rasmei Kampuchea in the afternoon of 13 Sept, that neither the prince nor his wife will show up in court as summoned. Prince Ranariddh was in Kompong Chhnang on 13 Sept.
One senior Funcinpec official said that the prince filed a divorce from Princess Marie several months ago, either in February or March. Liv Sovann, the prince’s lawyer, declined to provide any comment, he told Rasmei Kampuchea to seek information at the court, when he was contacted by phone.
The cause of the divorce procedure has not been revealed, but it could be due to the triangle affair led by Prince Ranariddh that caused frictions inside his family circle, or it could be that the couple no longer has feelings for each other.
According to a legal expert, in a divorce procedure, the court must summon the couple to reconciliation attempt once or twice first, if no reconciliation can take place, the court will then open a full court session to decide the case where the couple must be present without any representation by lawyers or third party.
According to the law, the legal expert said that sooner or later, Prince Ranariddh and Princess Marie will need to show up in court, otherwise, the court cannot decide the case.
Difficulties in the relationship between Prince Ranariddh and Prince Marie started to show up when the prince initiated his love affair with Mrs. Ouk Phalla, a former royal ballet dancer and wife of former minister Veng Sereyvuth. The relationship brought the birth of son.
Discussing recently about the law between husband and wife, Prince Ranariddh said: “I dare do it, I dare take the responsibility.” On 12 Sept, the National Assembly ratified the monogamy law which could punish up to one year of jail for all those who have extramarital affairs, or have 2 wives or husbands. Prince Ranariddh, Funcinpec MPs, and SRP MPs did not support this law saying that it will overstep on private individual rights, and that it could also affect political freedom.
CAMBODIA: Death threat letter sent to television broadcaster
13 September 2006
-----------------------------------
UA-304-2006: CAMBODIA: Death threat letter sent to television broadcaster
CAMBODIA: suppression of freedom of expression; violation of the right to life; un-rule of law
------------------------------------------------------
Dear friends,
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received information that 34 year-old Soy Sopheap, a news analyst for CTN TV in Cambodia, received an anonymous letter that threatened to kill him on 7 September 2006. Apparently, the letter came from an army general who had been affected by negative press reports which were analyzed and discussed by Soy Sopheap on television.
The letter urged him to stop criticising the military otherwise his life would be in danger. The letter said, “Soy Sopheap! Don’t show off too much! Don't interfere with military affairs. Military affairs should be left to the military to solve. You know, myself like other generals, if we have many stars, this is because we simply are not ordinary people, we are powerful people. You should not criticize the stars [generals] too much. Be careful about what you say and about your security, young man! I have hated you for so long. You criticise the stars and you'll be dead!” The letter also contained a mobile phone number, 012 92 91 43, but calls made to this number after receiving the letter could not get through.
The letter was found at the bottom of one of the tamarind trees in a section of the pavement across from the National Assembly compound in Phnom Penh. The area has several food stalls which are patronised by journalists and National Assembly staff. The place is nicknamed "the tamarind tree assembly" as journalists gather there every day to share news amongst each other. According to food sellers and National Assembly staff, a taxi driver riding a green Super Cub motorcycle pulled up at the tamarind tree and hung the letter onto it. When asked why he hung the letter there, the man said that someone had hired him to do it and paid him 5000 Riels (US$ 1.25) for the job. He added that he did not know what was inside the letter.
Soy Sopheap has been doing press reviews on the CTN TV channel every morning for several years until the programme was recently dropped. He selected newspaper articles on various issues and analysed main stories that are covered in the press. Over a period of time before the end of that TV programme, he paid more attention to articles covering land disputes between military commanders and poor people, as well as the illegal logging that has gone on in many places across Cambodia. He was also conducting field investigations into some land-grabbing cases and reported his findings and solutions to the prime minister, to whom he had direct access. On this particular issue of land-grabbing, he echoed on his TV programme the prime minister's public statements which warned that any army general, commander or high ranking government official who hurt the people by grabbing their land or engaged himself in illegal logging would be dismissed from their job.
It should be reminded that over the years, land disputes, land grabbing and illegal logging have affected many people in town as well as in the rural areas. It is known that in some places senior army officers and other powerful people are behind all these widely condemned activities. There has been continued protest against these activities. The prime minister has also from time to time issued measures against land grabbers for fears that the protests might degenerate into riots. But these measures are not effective and have been used more to calm down the protests rather than to address the real issue since the land grabbers are often his own supporters.
This death threat to Soy Sopheap is yet another instance of the abuse of power by members the ruling elite, the absence of the rule of law and the continued threat to freedom of expression and press freedom. This has followed a death threat via fax sent to You Saravuth, editor of the Khmer language newspaper Khmer Srolanh Khmer, on June 21 after it had reported on a land-grabbing case in Mondolkiri and Rattanakiri provinces in which Hun To, the prime minister's nephew, and a senior army officer were alleged to be involved. You Sasavuth made a complaint to the police and the court. Hun To summoned him to a meeting and was reported to have intimidated him in that encounter. Hun To then sued You Saravuth for defamation afterwards. You Saravuth felt so threatened that he had to flee the country.
The AHRC strongly condemns this abuse of power by those people in positions of authority, and their threat to life and to freedom of expression and press freedom. We urge the highest level of Cambodian authorities to immediately investigate the death threat to Soy Sopheap and to You Saravuth, and bring their authors to justice. Witnesses to the scene where the letter was placed, the letter itself in the Soy Sopheap case, as well as the fax and reported intimidation in the You Saravuth case should all provide a good lead in those investigations. The progress and results of these investigations should also be made public.
The AHRC also urges donor governments, UN agencies, international aid agencies and the international human rights community to work with the Cambodian government and courts to end this abuse of power by people in position of authority, especially the threat to their lives and to the freedom of expression and press.
SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please write to the relevant authorities listed below calling for an investigation and the arrest of the authors of the letter to Soy Sopheap and of the fax to You Saravuth, as well as for the end to the abuse of power by people in position of authority and their threat to life and to freedom of expression and press.
To support this appeal, please click:
Sample letter:
Dear_________,
CAMBODIA: Death threat letter sent to television broadcaster
Name of the victims: Mr. Soy Sopheap, 34 year-old television reported for CTN TV;
Mr. You Saravuth, editor of the Khmer Language newspaper Khmer Srolanh Khmer.
Name of alleged perpetrators: Unknown army general, Cambodian Military; Unknown senior army officer, Cambodian Military; Mr. Hun To, nephew to the prime minister
Date of incident: 7 September 2006; 21 June 2006
Place of incident: Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
It has come to my knowledge that on 7 September 2006, 34 year-old Soy Sopheap who is a news analyst for the CTN TV in Cambodia received an anonymous letter that threatened to kill him. Apparently, the letter came from an army general who had been affected by negative press reports which were analyzed and discussed by Soy Sopheap on television.
The letter urged him to stop criticising the military otherwise his life would be in danger. The letter said, “Soy Sopheap! Don’t show off too much! Don't interfere with military affairs. Military affairs should be left to the military to solve. You know, myself like other generals, if we have many stars, this is because we simply are not ordinary people, we are powerful people. You should not criticize the stars [generals] too much. Be careful about what you say and about your security, young man! I have hated you for so long. You criticise the stars and you'll be dead!” The letter also contained a mobile phone number, 012 92 91 43, but calls made to this number after receiving the letter could not get through.
The letter was found at the bottom of one of the tamarind trees in a section of the pavement across from the National Assembly compound in Phnom Penh. The area is the place where journalists gather there every day to share news amongst each other. According to food sellers and National Assembly staff, a taxi driver riding a green Super Cub motorcycle pulled up at the tamarind tree and hung the letter onto it. When asked why he hung the letter there the man said that someone had hired him to do it and paid him 5000 Riels (US$ 1.25) for the job.
As I understand it, Soy Sopheap has been doing press reviews on the CTN TV channel every morning for several years until the programme was recently dropped. Over a period of time before the end of that TV programme, he paid more attention to articles covering land disputes between military commanders and poor people, as well as the illegal logging that has gone on in many places across Cambodia. He was also conducting field investigations into some land-grabbing cases and reported his findings and solutions to the prime minister, to whom he had direct access. On this particular issue of land-grabbing, he echoed on his TV programme the prime minister's public statements which warned that any army general, commander or high ranking government official who hurt the people by grabbing their land or engaged himself in illegal logging would be dismissed from their job.
To my knowledge, this death threat to Soy Sopheap is yet another instance of the abuse of power by members the ruling elite, the absence of the rule of law and the continued threat to freedom of expression and press freedom. This has followed a death threat via fax sent to You Saravuth, editor of the Khmer language newspaper Khmer Srolanh Khmer, on June 21 after it had reported on a land-grabbing case in Mondolkiri and Rattanakiri provinces in which Hun To, the prime minister's nephew, and a senior army officer were alleged to be involved. You Sasavuth made a complaint to the police and the court. Hun To summoned him to a meeting and was reported to have intimidated him in that encounter. Hun To then sued You Saravuth for defamation afterwards. You Saravuth felt so threatened that he had to flee the country.
I join others in strongly condemning this abuse of power by those people in position of authority, and their threat to life and to freedom of expression and press freedom. I therefore request you to immediately investigate the death threat to Soy Sopheap and to You Saravuth, and bring their authors to justice. I believe that the witnesses to the scene where the letter was placed and this letter itself in the Soy Sopheap case, as well as the fax and reported intimidation in the You Saravuth case should all provide a good lead in these investigations. I would appreciate being kept informed of the progress of in the investigations and the results.
I also urge donor governments, UN agencies, international aid agencies and the international human rights community to work with the Cambodian government and courts to end this abuse of power by people in position of authority, especially the threat to their lives and to the freedom of expression and press.
I look forward to your immediate intervention.
_____________
PLEASE SEND LETTER TO:
1. Mr. Samdech Hun Sen
Prime Minister
Cabinet of the Prime Minister
No. 38, Russian Federation Street
Phnom Penh
CAMBODIA
Tel: +855-23-21 98 98
Fax: +855-23-36 06 66
E-mail: cabinet1b@camnet.com.kh
2. Mr. Sar Kheng
Deputy Prime Minister
Minister of Interior
275 Norodom Blvd.
Phnom Penh
Cambodia
Fax/phone : +855-23 72 19 05/72 60 52/72 11 90
E-Mail: info@interior.gov.kh, moi@interior.gov.kh
3. Mr. Ang Vong Vathna
Minster of Justice
No 240, Sothearos Blvd.
Phnom Penh
CAMBODIA
Fax: + 855-23-36 41 19/21 66 22
E-mail: moj@cambodia.gov.kh
4. Gen. Ke Kim Yan
Commander-in-Chief
High Command Headquarters
Royal Cambodian Armed Forces
Kambol
Phnom Penh
CAMBODIA
5. Mr. Henro Raken
Prosecutor General
Court of Appeal
No. 14, Boulevard Sothearos
Phnom Penh
Cambodia
Tel: +855-23-21 84 60
6. Justice Chiv Keng
President
Phnom Penh Municipal Court
N° 31, Monireth (St. 217), corner Street 213
Phnom Penh
CAMBODIA
7. Mr. Uk Savuth
Prosecutor
Phnom Penh Municipal Court
N° 31, Monireth (St. 217), corner Street 213
Phnom Penh
CAMBODIA
8. General Hok Lundy
National Police Commissioner
General-Commisariat of National Police
Phnom Penh
CAMBODIA
Tel/Fax: +855-23-21 65 85/22 09 52
9. Ms Margo Picken
Director
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights - Cambodia
N¢X 10, Street 302
Sangkat Boeng Keng Kang I
Khan Chamcar Mon
Phnom Penh
CAMBODIA
Tel: +855-23-987 671 / 987 672, 993 590 / 993 591 or +855 23 216 342
Fax: +855-23-212 579, 213 587
10. Prof. Yash Ghai
Special Representative of the Secretary-General for human rights in Cambodia
Attn: Ms. Afarin Shahidzadeh
Room 3-080
OHCHR-UNOG
8-14 Avenue de la Paix
1211 Geneva 10
SWITZERLAND
Tel: +41 22 91 79214
Fax: +41 22 91 79018 (ATTENTION: SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE CAMBODIA)
11. Mr. Ambeyi Ligabo
Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression
c/o J Deriviero
OHCHR-UNOG
8-14 Avenue de la Paix
1211 Geneva 10
SWITZERLAND
Tel: +41 22 917 9177
Fax: +41 22 917 9006 (ATTN: SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION)
Thank you.
Urgent Appeals Programme
Asian Human Rights Commission (ahrchk@ahrchk.org)
Reporters Without Borders/Reporters sans frontières
Reporters Without Borders/Reporters sans frontières
Press release
12 September 2006
CAMBODIA
JOURNALIST GETS DEATH THREATS OVER CORRUPTION REPORTS
Reporters Without Borders is extremely concerned about death threats made against TV journalist Soy Sopheap after he made revelations on air about accusations of corruption against officials and members of the military.
An anonymous letter was left on 8 September 2006 in front of a Phnom Penh bar habitually frequented by the city's journalists. "I've had it in for you for a long time, dirty Soy Sopheap," the letter read. "Watch out for yourself when you criticise the stars; it means death". The word 'stars' refers to generals.
"It is always very dangerous for Cambodian journalists to handle reports of corruption among the power elites," the press freedom organisation said. "We urge the authorities to carry out an exhaustive and impartial investigation to track down those behind these death threats and to provide Sopheap with protection if needed."
Information minister, Khieu Kanharith, has promised a full investigation.
Since 2005, Sopheap has produced reports favourable to the Hun Sen government on the pro-government CTN channel. On 2 August he was taken off the review of the morning newspapers after mentioning a report on corruption within the state. Sopheap also presented a Sunday evening programme on the TV channel, which is owned by businessman Kit Meng.
"I have often reported on remarks by the head of government, including when he threatened to sack, those, including the generals, who are implicated in expropriation of land," Sopheap told the newspaper Cambodge Soir.
Last July, the editor of Sralanh Khmer, You Saravuth, was forced to flee to Thailand after being charged with putting out "false information" and receiving death threats. He had published an article, implicating Hun Tho, a nephew of prime minister Hun Sen.
-------------------------
CAMBODGE
UN JOURNALISTE MENACE DE MORT APRES DES REVELATIONS SUR DES FAITS DE CORRUPTION
Reporters sans frontières est préoccupée par les menaces de mort dont est l'objet le journaliste Soy Sopheap qui avait relayé à l'antenne des accusations de corruption à l'encontre de militaires et de fonctionnaires.
"Il est toujours très risqué pour les journalistes cambodgiens de traiter sereinement de la corruption des élites au pouvoir. Nous demandons aux autorités de mener une enquête exhaustive et impartiale pour identifier les auteurs de ces menaces de mort, et de fournir, si nécessaire, une protection à Soy Sopheap", a affirmé Reporters sans frontières.
Le ministre de l'Information, Khieu Kanharith, a promis une enquête sur cette affaire.
Le 8 septembre 2006, un inconnu a déposé une lettre anonyme devant un bar où des journalistes de Phnom Penh se rendent habituellement : « Je t'en veux depuis longtemps, sale Soy Sopheap. Attention à toi, quand tu critiques les étoiles, c'est la mort. » Les étoiles désignent les généraux.
Depuis 2005, Soy Sopheap est connu pour ses commentaires favorables au gouvernement de Hun Sen sur la chaîne de télévision CTN. Le 2 août, il avait perdu la responsabilité de la revue de presse matinale suite à une mention d'un rapport sur la corruption au sein de l'Etat. Soy Sopheap animait également le dimanche soir une émission politique sur cette chaîne progouvernementale détenue par l'homme d'affaires Kit Meng.
« J'ai rapporté souvent les propos du chef du gouvernement, notamment quand il menaçait de destitution ceux, y compris les généraux, qui sont impliqués dans des expropriations de terres », a affirmé Soy Sopheap au journal Cambodge Soir.
En juillet dernier, le rédacteur en chef de Sralanh Khmer, You Saravuth, avait été contraint de se réfugier en Thaïlande après avoir été poursuivi en justice pour diffusion de "fausses informations" et menacé de mort. Il avait publié un article impliquant Hun Tho, un neveu du Premier ministre Hun Sen.
-- Vincent BrosselAsia - Pacific DeskReporters Sans Frontières5 rue Geoffroy Marie75009 Paris33 1 44 83 84 7033 1 45 23 11 51 (fax)
asia@rsf.org
www.rsf.org
www.leblogmedias.com (en français)
Phnom Penh Regime Said Worried More by Success than Failure of Heng Peou Arrest
Phnom Penh Sralanh Khmer in Cambodian
05 Sep 06
Heng Peou, former Phnom Penh municipal police commissioner and former adviser to Prime Minister Hun Sen whom the Phnom Penh regime has accused of crimes, now has returned from Malaysia back to Singapore as an ordinary tourist. Meanwhile, the Phnom Penh authorities could only say that they continue to wait for cooperation from all Interpol member countries (184 countries) as before in order to get Heng Peou for prosecution in Cambodia.
This former adviser to PM Hun Sen was held for a few hours by the Singaporean police on Thursday night, 31 August, because his visa expired, but was later released and allowed to visit Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, on Friday evening. However, a reliable source said that Heng Peou has left Malaysia and returned to Singapore, and is now preparing to go to a third country for political asylum.
An Interior Ministry official familiar with the Interpol told Sralanh Khmer yesterday morning that Heng Peou left Malaysia for Singapore after he renewed his visa, and now plans to go to a European country, possibly Norway.
However, a report by a government official claimed that Heng Peou continues to be in hiding in Malaysia and the two countries (Malaysia and Singapore) do not pay any attention to the request of the Cambodian authorities to deport Heng Peou back to Cambodia. The source further said that the Cambodian authorities had learned about Heng Peou's arrest by the Singaporean police from the press and did not receive any official notification from either the Singaporean or Malaysian authorities. It appears that the latter do not heed the request of the Cambodian authorities or the Interpol red notice to the 184 countries.
Kev Vanthan, deputy chief of the Cambodian Interpol bureau, claimed that the Cambodian authorities continue to wait for cooperation from Interpol member countries, and Cambodia hopes to get Heng Peou back. This deputy chief of the Interpol bureau also disclosed that the Singaporean authorities had sent Heng Peou to Malaysia because he went to Singapore through Malaysia; consequently, Heng Peou has the right to stay in Malaysia for another month.
The Interior Ministry official said that according to Kev Vanthan, it appears that the Singaporean and Malaysian authorities do not consider Heng Peou a fugitive criminal as accused by the Cambodian authorities and tribunal, because these two countries do not arrest Heng Peou as requested by the Cambodian authorities.
Nevertheless, Kev Vanthan affirmed, "We are waiting for cooperation from Interpol member countries. Now, we are making contacts. We hope that thanks to this good cooperation among the Interpol members, wherever Heng Peou goes he will be observed because we have the red notice for his arrest. We hope that fellow Interpol member states will arrest him for us."
Asked why the Interpol branches in Singapore and Malaysia do not arrest Heng Peou and extradite him to Cambodia (now), Kev Vanthan claimed that the two countries do not have an extradition treaty with Cambodia. Asked whether Heng Peou would disclose more documents, Kev Vanthan said he did no know.
Told that NGOs were concerned about Heng Peou's safety if he was sent back to Cambodia, as in the case of Ho Sok [slain Interior Ministry state secretary of the royalist party], Kev Vanthan said that this question should be raised with the spokesman, for he was only an Interpol police officer.
Heng Peou's defense lawyer David Chen claimed that Heng Peou is staying at a safe place under UNHCR protection.
An Interior Ministry official said that a few days before the Singaporean authorities detained him Heng Peou met with UNHCR representatives twice. During these meetings, Heng Peou showed them documents in the forms of tapes and other proof, which he has kept abroad for a long time. The same official further said that because of these voice recordings and other documents, the UNHCR officials are going to grant him an asylum in a third country, for should he be sent back to Cambodia he would be silenced like General Ho Sok of the FUNCINPEC [National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia] Party in the Interior Ministry during the bloody coup of 5-6 July 1997.
David Chen stated that Heng Peou is staying in a safe haven and is seeking political asylum from the UNHCR. The lawyer went on to say that Heng Peou is safe and is no longer worried about being hunted down by the Cambodian authorities who want to get him back to Cambodia.
A source close to National Police Director-General Hok Langdi said that the Phnom Penh regime is worried that foreign authorities might arrest Heng Peou and send him to their court. They are afraid that Heng Peou would further reveal to the foreign court the crimes of the Cambodian leaders because of the tape recordings and other documents in his possession. However, if Heng Peou is arrested by the authorities of any country and sent back to Cambodia, then it would be all right. That is why the Cambodian authorities are concerned more by the success of the foreign authorities in arresting Heng Peou than by their failure
Hun Sen to visit Australia
KHMER INTELLIGENCE
15 September 2006
Breakdown of Cambodia's population by ethnic origin (2) According to a recent Interior Ministry's report titled "Population statistics covering all ethnic groups as of 2nd quarter 2006", Cambodia's population can be broken down as follows:
- Khmers: 12,279,057
- Chams (Muslims): 290,199
- Vietnamese: 112,225
- Laotians: 21,587
- Chinese: 11,454
- Thais: 1,860
- Others: 3,005
TOTAL: 12,719,387
Book on corruption at the Cambodia Center for Human Rights (2) Following accusations of corruption and embezzlement leveled against him by 16 persons who have closely worked with him (see KI, 10 September 2006: "Corruption scandal at US-financed CCHR"), CCHR President Kem Sokha earlier this week attributed the allegations to "disgruntled former employees who lost their jobs." However, among those former employees, there are high-caliber lawyers and journalists who now hold important positions at prominent NGOs and claim that their motivation is to only expose "Kem Sokha's dishonesty" in order to "prevent Cambodian democrats and donor countries from being cheated by a crook." They are preparing a book titled "Corruption at the Cambodian Center for Human Rights" in which methods of fund embezzlement will be detailed: stealing staff members' salaries, daily allowances and fringe benefits, inflating expenses, paying accomplices under the table, inventing activities that have never been conducted, issuing falsified documents, etc. They claim that CCHR regional office heads officially earn $500 a month but in fact get only $300 to $350. In the same manner, education assistants at the same regional offices must assert in writing that they perceive a monthly salary of $200 while in fact they get only $150. They also claim that Kem Sokha himself officially earns a salary of $3,000 a month from American tax-payers' money. However, since the creation of the CCHR in 2002 its initially poor President has apparently amassed a fortune as evidenced by his standard of living: luxurious villa, lavish expenses, children studying in costly schools in the USA. More information at http://tinyurl.com/lljtd
Hun Sen to visit Australia (2)
Prime Minister Hun Sen who is currently on vacation in Paris after attending the 6th ASEM summit in Helsinki earlier this week, will pay a five-day official visit to Australia around the middle of next month at the invitation of Prime Minister John Howard.
Ranariddh to take another long leave of absence (2)
Funcinpec President Prince Norodom Ranariddh, who has recently been in and out the country, sharing his time between Phnom Penh and Kuala Lumpur where he has a second home with his second wife Ouk Phalla, will leave Cambodia next week for France/Europe where he will be vacationing with Ouk Phalla for at least six weeks.
Sam Rainsy to inaugurate SRP chapters in Italy and Sweden (2)
Opposition leader Sam Rainsy will be in Verona (Italy) on September 16 to inaugurate a SRP chapter with several hundreds Cambodian Italians. He will travel to Stockholm on September 23 to inaugurate another SRP chapter in Sweden. In Europe, the SRP already has chapters in France, Belgium, Germany, Switzerland and Austria.
LETTER TO THE EDITOR OF THE PHNOM PENH POST From the Secretary General of the NEC
LETTER TO THE EDITOR OF THE PHNOM PENH POST
From the Secretary General of the NEC
Phnom Penh, 14 September 2006
Dear Sir,
The letter from HE Sam Rainsy published in the latest issue of Phnom Penh Post may create confusion among voters as it contains a number of flagrant inexactitudes.
The so-called “sudden elimination of previous voters’ cards (1993, 1998 and 2002)”.
Back in 2002, it was to satisfy the opposition parties that the voter’s cards of the previous elections were abandoned as a valid document both to register and to vote. The rationale is that it was alleged that these voters’ cards (initially originating from UNTAC) had been handed out to everyone on the Cambodian territory with little control over the actual citizenship of their recipient, therefore allowing a number of non-Cambodian individuals to register and to vote. The political decision to change the election law and to abandon those voter cards was taken by the National Assembly in an amendment promulgated in November 2002. Exceptionally, these cards were used validly for the last time for the 2003 National Election. On that last occasion, these voters’ cards were only one among a range of documents that were accepted for voting (such as National Id card, passport, ID document certified by the Commune Chief (form 1018), family book with photo and ID cards from civil servant, police, military and monks). Therefore, this is not the first time that Cambodians will have to prove their identity through other means than voters, cards from long-gone elections.
These old voters’ cards could not be used for the 2004 and 2005 annual registrations and they won’t be for the 2006 registration and all future registrations and elections. There is nothing new here. It is therefore quite surprising to read criticism about a so-called “sudden elimination of this document” that had been repeatedly despised by the opposition as giving a free pass to foreigners to vote.
It should also be made clear that were no voters’ cards issued specifically for the 2003 election as hinted in the letter. Similarly, the assertion that the suppression of the voters’ cards is “the NEC’s initiative” is disingenuous since this decision belonged exclusively to the National Assembly who has adopted the amendment to that effect in the legal framework that NEC is simply bound to implement.
The so-called “imposition of new registration and voting procedures” by the NEC
The assertion that the NEC has changed the voter registration period and its procedures is both untrue and deceptive. As imposed by the electoral law, the period for voter registration begins on October 1st and ends on December 31st; not in the worst of the rainy season from August to October as mentioned in HE Sam Rainsy’s letter.
More importantly, these is no “new registration and voting procedures” imposed by anyone. The 2006 voter registration due to begin in October is, in all respects, similar to the one of 2004 and 2005 for which no substantive complaints were received from the opposition.
Let me emphasize that whatever the NEC undertakes as advertisement campaign to voter and leaflet distribution, such as the voter information notice, before October, belongs strictly to the domain of voter information. By no means can it be branded as “new procedure” generating new obligations or, even worse, be assimilated with the voter registration process itself. Nothing whatsoever in the NEC’s voter information activities undertaken until now would have for effect to deprive voters from their right to register during the registration period or to get their name corrected on the voters’ list if so needed. To the contrary.
It is similarly wrong to assert that “For the first time, potential voters (…) are asked to check the accuracy of their personal election-related data…”. The truth is that for the past three years, at each annual voter registration, the NEC made a huge effort to do just that: convince potential voters in the weeks preceding registration to come over to the office of the Commune/Sangkat to check the accuracy of their registration. However, NEC’s efforts were met only with mitigated success; only small numbers came over to ensure that their name was properly registered and require corrections. Nevertheless, over 290,000 voters registered in 2004 and 234,000 in 2005. To remedy the apathy of the already registered electorate to check their name, the NEC decided basically to bring an extract of the list to the voters so that they can see for themselves if their personal data is correct or not: hence the personalized Voter Information Notice.
At this date, over 76% of these leaflets have been distributed to the registered voters. We already know that at least 5% of the leaflets could not be distributed because their recipients have either move to another commune or are deceased. The actual figure of notices having reached voters is therefore over 81% at this date. It is only at the end of the voter registration process that we will measure the success of this new NEC’s voter awareness campaign through the additional number of voters who will actually come over to register or correct their name during the coming registration period.
The so-called obligation to “wait to receive your personal Voter Information Notice”
HE Sam Rainsy alleges that voters “must wait to receive the Notice” and failing to do so may imperil their right. He goes on describing all kinds of “special demarche required at the commune office… to ensure that you will be able to vote at the next elections”. According to him, another “demarche” is required if there is an error on the list “to put things right” so to preserve your voting right. Failure to get the notice and go through all these “demarches” puts you on Election Day at the mercy of “election officials with discretionary power to turn you down”.
The above strives to portray the registration and voting process as a convoluted system elaborated to discourage voters to register through a maze of “demarches” and eventually deprive them from their right to vote through arbitrary decisions.
The reality is much simpler. In fact, it is relevant to remind the following:
• Over 94% of Cambodians are already registered on the permanent and annually updated voters list (figures from the 2005 voter registration)
• The remaining 6% of potential voters who are not on the list and who want to register should do so between October 1st and October 20th. The procedure is simple and exactly the same as in 2004 and 2005.
• Those whose name or data on the voters’ list appears substantially inaccurate can ask for modification/correction during the registration period.
Contrary to what is alleged in HE Sam Rainsy’s letter, no one “must wait” to receive any notice. The notice is just a tool to help the voter check his/her registration. It saves him/her the trouble of going to the office of the Commune/Sangkat to check the accuracy of his/her data. The notice is strictly informative: it is as if the NEC had posted the voter’s list on all dwellings of Cambodia. It is not needed to register, correct one’s name or to vote. No “special demarches” are needed to register on the voters’ list or to get your name corrected.
By definition, unregistered voters could not, did not and will not get any notice of information for the simple reason that, not being registered, the NEC has no means of knowing who they are! Therefore, it cannot address to them a personalized invitation to register. The unregistered voters will be targeted by a separate campaign of information through media, posters, mobile speakers, etc. to begin soon.
The NEC vigorously denies “creating unnecessary and untimely work and procedures for people most of whom are unable to do it”. In fact, it is quite the opposite because the information notice saves a trip to the Commune/Sangkat to check the list. To pretend that most Cambodians are unable to check the accuracy of their name on a slip of paper is demeaning to the Cambodian population. With a literacy rate of over 60% and with the traditional support provided by the family/community, checking one’s name on the voters’ list is not the insurmountable obstacle to voter registration that he tries to describe.
The letter, published in a foreign language newspaper, also reads that “NEC’s initiative could practically end up depriving millions of citizens of their voting rights”. The NEC considers this contention not only as a wrong understanding of the process, but also as a flawed presumption discrediting the elections in the eyes of the international community.
This could create the impression that millions of voters need to register in addition to millions that must correct their registration data in order to preserve their right to vote.
Common sense and reality shows otherwise: 6.7 million voters are already duly registered; there are approximately 300,000 new voters that are entitled to register each year. This amounts to an average of only 9 new voter registrations per day per commune during the 21 days of the registration process, hardly an overwhelming task. In addition, as in any country with a permanent electoral list, the procedure for correcting a name is swift and easy: simply show up with any legal ID document and the Clerk of the Commune/Sangkat will fill the paperwork for the correction to be done.
And what if names are not corrected? Here is it most important to emphasize the strict regulations published by the NEC to that effect. In short: if a voter shows up with an Id showing a recognizably a photo of him/herself AND that the spoken sound of the name scripted on his/her Id document is roughly the same than what appears on the voters’ list (regardless of the actual spelling), then, this voter must be allowed to vote. Officials at the polling station have no discretion whatsoever to decide who can vote or not on the basis of spelling mistakes on Id documents. Only in cases where the name sounds entirely different than what is on the voters’ list may the official decide to reject the voter. This procedure worked well in 2003 as testified by the absence of complaints from political parties and observers specifically in implementing this no-nonsense approach in view of the multiple ways to write one’s name in Khmer.
Finally, HE Sam Rainsy also alleges that voter information was distributed selectively, excluding systematically his supporters. In that respect, the NEC acknowledges its disappointment towards the performance of a number of village chiefs who have not understood the importance of their work and their duty of neutrality as they are bound by law to represent all villagers, regardless of political allegiance. In spite of our repeated calls, the political parties have not brought a single complaint to our attention on which we could have take action. General unsubstantiated allegations in the newspapers are not conducive for the NEC to taken corrective action against specific individual offenders. Nevertheless, the NEC has issued a stringent directive that is about to be distributed to all village chiefs to clarify their duties and obligations of neutrality, subject to sanction in case of non-compliance.
Personally, I welcome the critics from all our partners. However, the NEC cannot tolerate the propagation of factually erroneous information and ill-conceived presumptions with not other purpose than to damage the standing of the NEC and to disparage pointlessly the Cambodian democratic process. Should it be recalled that the International Community is currently considering its financial support for the coming Commune Council elections.
It is the duty of the NEC to correct flawed and misleading information and to answer any and all such damaging assertions. At anytime, the NEC is open to provide accurate information to political parties and their leaders in meetings and working groups.
Of course, the NEC is learning from its mistakes. Now, how can we do it better? Since political parties are now equipped with the electoral list available to them, they could participate more actively to ensure that their supporters are properly registered on the voters’ list.
Cambodia has gained significant experience in election management; I suggest that all tasks be not handled by the NEC alone. All partners, including political parties and NGOs, should work hand in hand with us. The election process would gain efficiency and transparency.
I would like to thank you very much for bringing this important point to your readers’ attention.
Tep Nytha
Secretary General
National Election Committee
The Public Information Bureau of the National Election Committee
E-mail Address: necinfo@forum.org.kh
Fax/Phone: 023 214 374, (012) 855 018
Website Address: www.necelect.org.kh
US Embassy To Restart Immigrant Visa Processing
US Embassy To Restart Immigrant Visa Processing
Thursday, September 14, 2006
By Elizabeth Tomei
THE CAMBODIA DAILY
The US Embassy in Phnom Penh will resume processing immigrant visas for Cambodians seeking to live and work in the US, US Assistant Secretary for Consular Affairs Maura Harty announced Wednesday.
Since 2002, Cambodians applying for US immigrant visas have had to travel to the US embassy in Bangkok to have them processed. Non-immigrant visas, including tourist and student visas, are currently processed at the Phnom Penh embassy. Officials said immigrant visa processing will begin soon but would not specify a date.
Harty announced the change during a press conference at the embassy. "We intend to resume the processing of immigrant visas...in Phnom Penh so that Cambodian citizens in the future who would like to immigrate to the United States will not have to travel to Thailand to process their visas," Harty said.
Harty said the previous decision to divide services between embassies in Cambodia and Thailand was largely practical: the old Phnom Penh embassy lacked the space and capacity to accommodate the volume of applicants.
Between October 2005 and July 2006, 2,300 immigrant visas were issued to Cambodians in Bangkok, while 2,500 non-immigrant visas were issued in Phnom Penh, said embassy spokesman Jeff Daigle.
The new, larger embassy building next to Wat Phnom has the space and personnel to process all visas in the country, Harty said.
But internal embassy problems have also delayed the start date for processing immigrant visas, officials said.
The embassy recently fired three Cambodian consular employees over issues of visa "malfeasance" following an investigation by diplomatic security officials that began in mid-August and ended several days ago, Daigle said.
"I'm very sad to acknowledge that we recently had to terminate the employment of several of our employees in the consular section," Harry said.
The embassy has "zero tolerance" for any digression from the observation of the rule of law, Harty said. Neither Harty nor Daigle would elaborate on the offenses committed by the employees, or name them.
The embassy will not begin processing immigrant visas until the three vacant positions have been filled and existing consular employees have received additional training, Harty said. Daigle said the embassy has around 570 employees, 500 of whom are Cambodian.
Op/Ed : CCHR Faces Transparency Questions
By Kok Sap
September 12, 2006
Since CCHR inception, none had ever heard its Board of Director public statement to press about organization. Even during its director imprisonment, none ever seen or heard Board Directors utterance over agency function. All have seen and heard of CCHR is Kem Sokha alone.
Also note, Mr. Kem Sokha had stated the problem occurred over a year ago but why did he not correct it internally? It is his job to address management and employee problems. All left impression that CCHR operation must use a singular position which stemmed rivalry in both as policy maker and administrator. Not for profit organization is the most notably difficult for the management to handle even in US but why Mr. Kem Sokha neglected his job for this far?
If it is so, the IRS 501 (c) (3) codes may have been critically as far as entity receiving public funding especially US tax dollars. All understood USAID is the primary funding source and a federal and public supported agency. In accordance with Freedom of Information Act, that has raised legitimate questions for any taxpayer to request copy of annual report, financial statement, internal control policy, financial policy, and audit report if any finding irregularity corrected timely.
It is rather interesting for Mr. Clean to have thorns on side over contractual agreement in let go 12 people due to 30% reduction, if it is credible, in $800,000 budget. This is not unheard of in public funded agency of budget cut and people lost jobs. Also the allegation from laid off workers is normal. But the suspicion is that CCHR Board of Directors has no say so all these years but only Mr. Kem Sokha. It is rather critically and unusually.
Beside it is unlikely for such large US fund given to a foreign country without attaining not for profit organization status. Yet the public needs to know, if the policy making -Board of Directors and administration (Kem Sokha) is in place and separated body. The question remains why no Board of Directors Chairperson comes out to make any statement over the allegations to the public and press. Where is the Board of Directors and what is its position in regard to the internal disagreement?
Out of huge budget cut, if it is true, what is the actual cost to retain 12 workers? What is the operating expense for the entire operations? What is the cost for the President and his assistants in salary? What is CCHR President overseas travel allowance annually? Is there anything can be cut in management to save workers?
Now it is the time if CCHR has a sounding Board with transparency, therefore, it must perform its role and responsibility. It must come out to hear and investigate the allegations. Also if there is a problem in organization such as CCHR employee complaint, it is the Board role to see the merit in part of agency or the administrator.
In all aspects, the consideration should be taken to assure the credibility of the administrator and the Board. The Board of Directors must declare position internally in regard to internal disagreement before any public statement made by its administrator. But all happened seems fit allegations that elevate the lack of credibility of internal control and singular operative.
Clearly, Mr. Kem Sokha has his hands fuller than ever if this situation becomes out of control. Who knows what the ramification could lead to, if the employees' claims merited? The open end conclusion may included but not limited to fraudulency, management impropriety, and best if taxpayers pushed, USAID may have to suspend fund until further notice
An Endorsement to Prime Minister Hun Sen's Remarks on Precluding Miss Cambodia from National Arena
Very recently, Samdech Prime Minister Hun Sen stated: "As long as I remain as prime minister, a Miss Cambodian contest will only be permitted until the poverty rate drops to 15 percent or GDP (gross domestic product) per capita reaches $1,000 a year from the current $448." I do and heartfelt endorse such the patriotic stance. To me, I name this quote: patriotic quote of Prime Minister Hun Sen for September 2006. And this quote is the first reason that makes me support his premiership.
Regardless of his many scandals alleged from Cambodia and other countries, his stance on precluding Miss Cambodia contest would save government more time and resources, and transferring these saves to bring faster and more desirable developments to Cambodia.
Like Samdech Prime Minister Hun Sen, I have never seen any use from Miss Cambodia's beauty contest. A huge portion of the population are living on less than one US dollar per day, so why Cambodia need to spend for Miss Cambodia? Of course, even in the world's richest country, there are also gaps between the rich and the poor, but the huge gaps are not acceptable. Having such the beauty contest would boost the gaps between the rich and the poor.
I cannot stance seeing huge parts of Cambodian population living with less than one dollar per day, surviving in slums and even the most basic daily physiological needs and facility are not met; whereas a very few young girls, with government supports, compete in indulging with cosmetics, travel abroad, craze with daily unnecessary luxury. Samdech Prime Minister Hun Sen is right and absolutely right in balancing the rich and the poor within his administration first, before we go on to compete on the international stage, Cambodian people shall be at the heart of Samdech's every decision.
Satisfying the majority first, to me, is one of the most valid democracy theories, and what the prime minister is doing is to more validate this theory. And I also appreciate another of this quote: There is no need to show a Miss Cambodia at the international arena. The Angkor Wat temple should be a better choice.
Samdech Prime Minister, I hope what you said will become a reality.
Phnom Penh, September 11, 2006, 8:15 P.M.
LAY VICHEKA
10 Reasons To Drink More Water (HEALTH)
Thursday, September 07, 2006
10 Reasons To Drink More Water
The Ririan Project
http://projectririan.blogspot.com/2006/09/10-reasons-to-drink-more-water.html
I know you've heard this many times - "Drink more water!". Yet, 99% of the people don't heed this advice. Maybe if water was more expensive, people would pay more attention to consume enough of it on a daily basis. We are living in a dehydrated world of carbonated beverages, caffeine and alcohol.
I bet you don't know how important is water for your health, figure and well-being. But sipping water from fancy bottles is not just a trend, it's essential! Everything your body does it does better with a healthy supply of water, every system in your body depends on water.
So here are 10 reasons why drinking water is good for you and why you should make drinking water part of your daily routine:
1. Get Healthy Skin
Nothing will improve the appearance of your skin better than consuming enough water. It's a pity women spend so much money on skin products, while neglecting the cheapest and most effective one - water. Water is the single most important element for cellular integrity. Drinking water moisturizes your skin from the inside out. Water is also essential to maintaining elasticity and suppleness and helps prevent dryness. The real fountain of youth can be found in a glass of water.
2. Flush Toxins
Water helps remove toxins from the body, in particular from the digestive tract. Our kidney system is unique in its filtering capabilities and totally dependent upon water in order for it to work. Daily fluid intake is essential to its efficient operation, particularly because there is some decrease in function with age. Water helps get rid of excess nitrogen, urea, and ketones, so it is particularly important when following a high protein diet. You need even more water to help your kidneys do their work if you’re eating big to gain weight.
3. Reduce Your Risk Of Heart Attack
Researchers at Loma Linda University in California studied more than 20,000 healthy men and women and found that people who drink more than five glasses of water a day were less likely to die from a heart attack or heart disease than those who drank fewer than two glasses a day.
4. Cushion And Lube Your Joints And Muscles
Water makes up a large part of the fluid that lubricates and cushions your joints and muscles. And although not the only element associated with muscle cramps, athletes have long recognized that even mild dehydration can produce cramps. So drinking water before, during and after exercise can also help reduce muscle cramping and premature fatigue.
According to the American College of Sports Medicine, adequate fluid replacement helps to maintain hydration therefore optimizing and enhancing performance of those participating in regular exercise. They suggest flavored waters to promote hydration and to increase palatability. Products such as Gatorade’s Propel Fitness Water are, therefore, terrific substitutes for plain water to increase fluid intake and meet the optimum consumption of water per day, thus enhancing performance and lessening the possibility of dehydration.
5. Get Energized And Be Alert
On average, most adults lose about 10 cups of fluid a day through sweating, exhaling, urinating, and bowel movements. Even minor dehydration can cause impaired concentration, headaches, irritability and fatigue.
Water is also essential for proper circulation in the body. The levels of oxygen in the bloodstream are greater when the body is well hydrated. The more oxygen the body has readily available the more fat it will burn for energy without the presence of oxygen the body cannot utilize stored fat for energy efficiently. Not only will the body burn more fat when well hydrated but because there are increased oxygen levels you will also have more energy.
Drinking more water everyday will help your think more clearly. Research has repeatedly shown that staying hydrated is necessary for the human brain, which is 85 percent water, to function at optimal levels. That is why many school systems throughout the country now encourage students to keep a bottle of water at their desks and to drink it throughout the day.
6. Stay Regular
Water helps prevent constipation by adding fluid to the colon and bulk to stools. Something as simple as fluid plays a major role in preventing constipation. Not only does the liquid encourage bowel movement, but it also softens the stools.
Water is essential for proper digestion, nutrient absorption and chemical reactions. The carbohydrates and proteins that our bodies use as food are metabolized and transported by water in the bloodstream. But no less important is the ability of water to transport waste material out of our bodies.
7. Reduce Your Risk Of Disease And Infection
Consistent failure to drink enough water can lead to Chronic Cellular Dehydration. This condition where the body's cell are never quite hydrated enough leave them in a weakened state, vulnerable to attack from disease. It weakens the body's overall immune system and leads to chemical, nutritional and pH imbalances that can cause a host of diseases.
When you don’t have enough water in your body, your cells start to draw water from the bloodstream. Your heart has to work harder because your blood gets sludgy, and your body starts to redirect blood away from less vital areas. Dehydration can set in even before you start to feel thirsty. This is a great strain on the body because it impairs the kidneys in their vital function of purifying the blood and helping the body get rid of toxins.
Also Michaud and coworkers found that the incidence of cancer in the urinary bladder was reduced significantly by a high fluid intake in a ten-year study involving nearly 48,000 men. The top 20% of subjects who participated in the study drank 2500 ml per day or more, while the bottom 20% drank 1200 ml or less. The authors concluded that within this range, the risk of bladder cancer decreased by 7% for every 240 ml of fluid added.
8. Regulate Your Body Temperature
Water regulates the body's cooling system. Sports drinks are useful when consumed after or during vigorous and prolonged exercise in high heat. But most experts agree that water works better than carbohydrates or sugared beverages for moderate exercise. For instance, if you drink 12 ounces of plain water, your body will absorb 8 ounces of it within 15 minutes. If you drink 12 ounces of a 10% sugar solution, less than 1 ounce will be absorbed in the same period. The typical soft drink is a 10 to 12% sugar solution.
Water is the nutrient your body needs the most. Between 55 and 75 percent of adult body weight is water, and it is critical in regulating all body organs and temperature.
9. Burn More Fat And Build More Muscle
It has been shown that dehydration decreases protein synthesis. Protein synthesis is what builds muscle. It is an energy costly process. When you suppress protein synthesis, fewer calories end up building proteins and more calories end up in your fat stores. It's elementary: calories have two possible fates - they either get burned, or they get stored. When more of the calories you eat get burned, less will get stored.
Increased water consumption can help you control weight by preventing you from confusing hunger with thirst. Water will also keep your body systems, including metabolism and digestion, working properly and give you the energy (and hydration) necessary for exercise.
10. Get Well
The traditional prescription to ‛drink plenty of fluids‛ when you're sick still holds strong. Water can help control a fever, replace lost fluids, and thin out mucus. Water plays a vital role in nearly every bodily function. Lack of water is the #1 trigger of daytime fatigue. A mere 2% drop in body water can trigger fuzzy short-term memory, trouble with basic math, and difficulty focusing on the computer screen or on a printed page.
Water is the substance of life. Life can not exist without water. We must constantly be adding fresh water to our body in order to keep it properly hydrated. Water can be a miracle cure for many common ailments such as headaches, fatigue, joint pain, and much more.
Be sure to drink even more fluid whenever you increase your physical activity, when eating a high fiber diet, during hot weather, at high altitudes, in low humidity locations, and when you're sick, especially if you have a fever, vomiting, or diarrhea. The best way to figure out if you’re drinking enough water is to look at your urine. It should be a very light shade of yellow. Drink up if it’s darker. Let your thirst guide you, also. You might not need eight glasses to feel hydrated on a mild day. You could crave nine or 10 if it’s hot or you’re exercising. Bottom line? Your body is 90 percent water and needs it for digestion, healthy skin, blood circulation, temperature control and lots of other reasons.
It is important to know that the body can only absorb 4 ounces of water every 10 minutes, so like many things in life, it is important to be proactive with drinking water. Aim to drink one glass of pure water every hour you are awake. And make the process enjoyable. Many people complain that they don't like the taste of water, or that it is boring to drink! Try these tips for making drinking water an enjoyable process:
- Add fresh mint leaves, slices of strawberry, apple, lemon, or lime to a pitcher of water. Serve chilled. Keep a pitcher of "fruit water" in the refrigerator so you always have great-tasting water available.
- Try Glaceu Fruit Water, which is distilled water with added fruit essence, without added sugar or artificial sweeteners. It is available at most health food stores. It comes in a variety of fabulous flavors including, watermelon, honeydew melon, raspberry/lime, and strawberry/banana.
- Drink herbal teas. Herbal teas have a variety of healing properties and come in a multitude of flavors. Try green tea, yerba matte, chai, chamomile, mint, raspberry leaf, and cinnamon/apple. In the summer time you can serve them over ice. In winter, drink them hot. Yogi Tea is one of my favorite brands.
- Add a squeeze of lemon or lime to water. Warm water with the juice of 1 lemon taken in the morning on an empty stomach is a great liver detoxifier, and has been shown to aid in weight loss.
By the way the eHow wiki has an interesting entry on how to drink more water everyday. They offer 7 steps for increasing your water intake, along with several useful tips.
Drink your water! Stay well hydrated! Stay healthy!
The Khmer Rouge Trial: What Will Justice Be?
By Vibol Touch
About 1.7 million innocent Cambodian people were slaughtered by the brutal Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979; Cambodia was known as the Killing Field. The regime destroyed the whole society and led Cambodia into a third world country. Cambodian children, in particular, have lived with hopelessness, no education, and the darkness of their daily lives. One of the greatest crimes of the 20th century has gone unpunished for 30 years. Between 1975 and 1979, the Khmer Rouge systematically tortured, starved, and smashed approximately 2.2 million fellow Cambodians, or between one-fourth and one-third of the entire population (Mussomuli 2006 pg. A.12). Day after day the victims cry for justice. Why is justice so important? And why has this justice taken so long? For over three decades, the questions have remained unanswered. The Khmer Rouge leaders have gone unpunished, some remain in power, and the victims are still the victims.
Now, the Royal Government of Cambodia and the United Nations have agreed to establish the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Trial with the objective of punishing the former Khmer Rouge leaders and finding justice for the victims. The Cambodian people, as well as the rest of the world, applaud the initiative of setting a trial. However, skeptics question whether or not justice will be achieved. The main reason for the skepticism is the seemingly poor choice of the judges who will serve on the trial panel. Mr. Chhang, Director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, stressed in his welcome statement to the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Staff (December, 2005), It is not possible to emphasize how important it is that all aspects of the trial proceedings are transparent. Transparency should begin with the selection of judges and those who will head various offices and departments for the tribunal. He closed his statement with the demand that If the Cambodian judicial system is to advance and public confidence in it is to grow, the UN and the Royal Government must demonstrate that these personnel are selected in a fair and open way, and one that is free from political influence. The trial has been a long awaited event and is of historic significance. There cannot be miscalculations or misjudgments from the panel of judges. This panel is made up of Cambodian judges affiliated with Cambodian Peoples Party, the ruling political party which has former Khmer Rouge members as leaders; and international judges who have little or no background on the deeply traumatic experiences of the Cambodian people. Because of inadequacies of the qualifications of the panel of the judges, there are valid concerns about the outcome of the trial. An outcome without a proper justice will not only victimize the Cambodian people again but will also reinforce the culture of impunity in Cambodia forever. On the one side, justice must meet international standards and the victims demands; and on the other hand, justice must also address Cambo!
dias
culture. Only by strictly adhering to these requirements, will justice be served.
The trial is important and must move forward. The conclusion of justice, either meets the international standard or serves the victims needs, will be another vital step. To brush aside all these concerns, involvement from the victims, the international community, and all non-governmental agencies must be forcefully and actively engaged and monitor the trial. These groups have the social responsibility and power and must demand accountability. The victims must speak out and demand what they want and what they feel; what form they want justice to take, for what they want the Khmer Rouge leaders held responsible; and what they want to tell the world. Likewise, the world must pay close attention to the trial proceedings and intervene immediately if the trial heads in the wrong direction. Article 28 of the agreement states that The UN can halt its assistance to the RGC should the latter act in a manner that is not in conformance with the agreement. Any verdicts must respond to the victims demands for justice to be truly addressed. Finally, this justice will not only educate the Cambodian people about what happened and why the tragic event occurred, but it will also teach the Cambodian leaders how profoundly this past event affected innocent peoples lives, especially Cambodian children, who were thrown into a world without a welfare system, without education, without a hope for the future. With a bona fide justice, a new chapter for Cambodia will begin.
CAMBODIA: University lecturer allegedly arrested for writing a book critical of
Prime Minister Hun Sen,
Dear Mr. Prime Minister,
Deputy Prime Minster; and Minister of Justice
http://groups.google.com/group/camdisc/browse_thread/thread/acb987bc69dcb0bc/5f71e34529e66248#5f71e34529e66248
It has come to my knowledge that that Teang Narith, law and politics lecturer at Sihanouk Raj Buddhist University in Phnom Penh, who was dismissed on 22 August for writing a book critical of the government, was arrested on September 4. The next day he was brought to court where the investigating judge charged him with the criminal offence of disinformation and sent him to prison. The crime of disinformation carries a prison sentence ranging from six months to three years, a fine from one million to ten million Riels, (US$ 250 to $ 2,500) or both.
Teang Narith, 30 years old, has written a book in the Khmer language entitled Political Philosophy that provides an analysis of the country's political development and its relations with Vietnam. The book which has yet to be published, seeks to highlight the danger that Cambodia is currently facing. Teang Narith is critical of Cambodia's current leadership and has held them responsible, among other things, for a grenade attack on peace demonstrators in 1997 that killed nearly twenty persons and wounded more than one hundred, as well as for the relations with Vietnam that are damaging to Cambodia. The book provides evidence and sources that support his claims.
On 3 August 2006, Teang Narith distributed copies of his manuscript to his students at the university. On August 22, the university's Vice-Rector Hing Yan informed about a letter of concern from Secretary of State for Religions and Cults Chhorn Iem to students with a notice that the course taught by Teang Narith was discontinued. This effectively ended Teang Narith's employment and up until then he had been teaching at the university for four years.
I am very much concerned at Teang Narith's dismissal and arrest for writing a book. This is a blatant violation of his right to freedom of expression and publication guaranteed and protected by Cambodia's constitution. The arrest was carried out when his lawsuit against his dismal had not been adjudicated yet. I understand that according to article 62 of the Cambodian criminal law of 1992, commonly known as UNTAC Law there must be the three constitutive elements combined to be able to prove disinformation: (1) the information must be false, fabricated, falsified or untruthfully attributed to a third person; (2) it must be published, distributed or reproduced in bad faith and with malicious intent; and (3) this publication, distribution or reproduction must have disturbed or is likely to disturb the public peace. The prosecution and the investigating judge have not shown even probable evidence to prove that all these three elements are there to charge Teang Narith. I simply know that the situation in Cambodia is stable and peaceful, and the public peace is not disturbed or will ever be disturbed by Teang Narith's book.
I also understand that, under the same Cambodian law as amended, disinformation is a misdemeanour and an offence that bail would be allowed. Considering the lack of probable evidence, Teang Narith should not have been arrested in the first place and, when arrested, should have been allowed bail. He should have his lawsuit against his dismissal adjudicated first.
Teang Narith's arrest and pre-trial detention are very arbitrary. As they have been doing before, the country's leadership has used the courts they control to silence and punish their critics. Teang Narith is yet another victim of such a rule.
I condemn Teang Narith's dismissal from his teaching job, and his arrest and imprisonment. I request the Cambodian government to honour its human rights obligations and stop using the courts to silence its critics. I also request the police, the prosecution and the municipal court of Phnom Penh to drop the charge altogether against Teang Narith.
I further request donor governments, UN agencies, international aid agencies and the international human rights community to work with the Cambodian government and courts to end this persecution of critics of the government and push for Teang Narith's release.
Yours sincerely,
Beatrice J Chuon
I Knew Nothing
Pol Pot thought of me as a patriot, but intellectual—in other words, incapable of heading the revolution.
By Stéphanie Giry
Newsweek International
Sept. 18, 2006 issue - After a decade of stop-and-start negotiations, a United Nations-sponsored tribunal has finally begun to investigate the handful of Khmer Rouge leaders who are still alive in Cambodia. Prosecutors hope to bring them to trial for crimes against humanity, among other charges, next year. But many Cambodians are skeptical that justice will be done before the elderly former guerrillas die off. Most of the Khmer Rouge leaders continue to deny any knowledge of or responsibility for the estimated 1.5 million deaths that occurred between 1975 and 1979, when their forces emptied out Phnom Penh and radically reorganized the countryside. Khieu Samphan, Cambodia's president during the Khmer Rouge reign, recently spoke about his role with Stéphanie Giry. Excerpts:
Giry: How did you become affiliated with the Khmer Rouge?
Khieu:In the 1960s, after editing a progressive paper, I became a congressman and, briefly, junior minister of Commerce. I supported Prince [Norodom] Sihanouk, who advocated Cambodia's neutrality between the United States and Vietnam. But in 1967, after I was accused of instigating a large peasant riot, I was forced to go into hiding in the countryside. The Khmer Rouge were already active there, mobilizing and organizing the peasantry. The movement seemed like the only path toward social progress.
Your Ph.D. thesis, written in 1959, advocated the democratic collectivization of the Cambodian countryside. What was its relationship to the policies of the Khmer Rouge?
No relationship. It was a very academic, unrealizable thesis. [Khmer Rouge leader] Pol Pot thought of me as a patriotic intellectual. A patriot, but intellectual—in other words, incapable of heading the revolution. When I told him in 1975 that evacuating Phnom Penh would alienate the people from the party, he compared me to Gorky, who, distressed by the famine in the Soviet Union in the 1920s, kept questioning Lenin.
What did you think of the many people who were dying of starvation in the countryside?
Isolated as I was at headquarters in Phnom Penh, I knew nothing of what was happening in the countryside. I knew that people who had been evacuated from Phnom Penh were suffering, but I didn't know they were reduced to starvation.
What did you know about the 17,000 or so people [mostly Khmer Rouge officials accused of treason] who were tortured and executed at the S-21 complex in Phnom Penh?
I did not know of S-21.
How could you have known so little, given your rank?
My title was purely honorific; I had no power to make or execute decisions. My main task was to maintain relations between the party and the prince. [Also,] the Khmer Rouge was the most secretive of communist movements—absolute partitioning, no horizontal communication. The few times I did go to the countryside, I was escorting the prince on tours of new infrastructure projects and I saw only what he was shown.
When did you finally realize all those people had died?
In late 1998, after Pol Pot's death and the collapse of the movement, when I finally had a chance to talk to former Khmer Rouge fighters and cadres.
What did you think?
I was overwhelmed. And then I read and thought a lot. Between 1975 and 1979, the population died mostly of starvation and disease, which existed even before the Khmer Rouge came to power. The countryside had been ravaged by U.S. bombings. Famine was threatening Phnom Penh, which overflowed with refugees. Even a report from the U.S. Agency for International Development predicted a food crisis. Such frightfully difficult conditions must have convinced Pol Pot to go beyond communist orthodoxy by evacuating Phnom Penh and abolishing money.
Do you have any regrets?
I regret that so many lives were lost for nothing. Had we at least advanced economically, the unhappiness would have been good for something.
If today Cambodia were more like China, the experience would have been worth it?
Frankly, yes.
What do you think of the tribunal that will judge crimes committed during the Khmer Rouge regime?
I did everything I could to remain honest toward my country and contribute to its development and independence, and now I'm accused of genocide. I don't understand. And I'm sure most Cambodians don't understand either.
© 2006 Newsweek, Inc.
http://msnbc.msn.com/id/14756011/site/newsweek/_
Corruption scandal at US-financed CCHR
Khmer Intelligence News - 10 September 2006
10 September 2006
Corruption scandal at US-financed CCHR (2)
In today's edition of Khmer-language newspaper "Rasmei Kampuchea" there is a report about a large-scale corruption scandal at the US-financed Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR) led by former politician Kem Sokha. Sixteen CCHR employees and former employees accuse Mr. Kem Sokha of corruption leading to serious abuses. Over the last few days the CCHR has just embarked on a well-publicized anti-corruption campaign against the government.
Manipulation of voter lists (2)
There is mounting evidence showing that, through the National Election Committee (NEC), the ruling CPP is manipulating voter lists in order to secure victory for the forthcoming local (2007) and national (2008) elections. The results of those elections are being largely decided now through a biased voter registration process. International observers who will come to monitor the upcoming elections in Cambodia will probably see no irregularities and will likely give their stamp of approval. Few people pay attention to the ongoing early but critical stage of the election process. Electoral tricks used by the CPP and the NEC are detailed here.
Cambodia Law: Adultery, Not in Sihanouk Royal Family Cerebral
Cambodia Law: Adultery, Not in Sihanouk Royal Family Cerebral
(Edited) By Kok Sap
September 8, 2006
Seemingly Sihanouk does not understand how derogative the meaning of adultery. Recently he has poked fun on Heng Samrin newly passed Adultery law. I know Heng Samrin is not quite in direct target zone, the rampant corruption, just yet. However one thing, Sihanouk himself hadn't fully come to grip that all the messes in Cambodia since were his own creation. People of Pol Pot or Heng Samrin and Hun Sen caliber came to power because how delusional Sihanouk had been for the past 37 years to be exact.
Generally speaking, to that matter with minus or plus can, Hun Sen+ which or Sam Rainsy+Saumora or RRidh-Marie or Kem Sokha+how many or Eng Chhay Eang + who or Chak kraum Paung which who or Sok An-which who or Sar Kheng who or Hoc Lung Di lam tin which one or You Hoc Cry who or Kol Pheng who or Monique-which who or Kossamak-which one, or any known personality overtly pronounce as dignified monogamist. Unlikely so,Heng Samrin scored a point ahead of his royal highness beastly nature.
Look at every one of his living children including the adopted ones too; all are despicably one way of the other. Yet he connivingly makes Ouk Phalla unworthy of a person who has caused his abrasive Eng Marie unhappiness. Although, Sihanouk is not naïve that Eng Marie might not have loved but used Rannridh as much to secure her family members posh jobs in royal government then and now. In anyone mind, surely she would have wished to have cut Rannridh balls off with her fruit peeling knife. So after all both profiteering Eng Marie and Ouk Phalla attitude your trash is my treasure are in the same classification with am Bun Rieu Som Heang and dazzling Piseth Pilika agendas out of Khmeng wat Som dach Hun Sen.
Apparently post WWII prior to cong dong Nom Pem CPP moi knew how disgrace Sihanouk family was back then. Example of his own father, Suramarith, was a child of incest between brother and sister. So was Rannridh and Bopha Devi are the children of Sihanouk own disgrace incest between studding nephew and lustily elder aunt. Thus it seems Sihanouk cultural upbringing does not measure up worthiness of his words. None to miniscule. Also note, Kingly stud Suramarith had produced two more illegitimates out of wedlock for leisure, Mr. Sereivudh de Paris le guitarist sans carrière and réfugiée Madame Vachara, out of his so called China woman mistress while lonely Queen birdy Kossamak, his mother, was busy entertaining her young attentive alternate once held Prime Ministership whom later she had sent, in Lon Nol behalf, to appease his illegitimate step son to return to Phnom Penh in the 70's. Unfortunately Sihanouk hated to sight his mother hanky-panky lover with passion in due of his father inability to please her and refused to even speak to the Birdy Queen, his own mother then.
Basically if a person corrupted his/her own relationship of his/her child mother or father, how else would stop he/she from being corruptive? Not to condone or ignore sensibility of such divergent law, but one can see and judge the womanizing and philandering are rooting firmly in the corruption albeit. Fundamentally, as decent human, none appreciated spousal infidelity or disloyalty categorically. But it is usual and traditional in the royal heritage. Yet other people views had never been that important as much except the royal palace or harem progenitors.
Therefore each of us can pray that each individuality shall take responsibility and duty faithfully, despite role in society. To avoid senseless self incrimination of tung dial taum then none be acceptable, not to excuse, laws are made and to be broken by men. Starting with Sihanouk, therefore, men must see to laws are to be blind of other colors but to equally see black and white in the interest of justice for all citizens. Who give a foot what Sihanouk said? Ask Hun Sen for clarification.
CPP PUNISHES DISSIDENTS IN POIPET COMMUNE
September 9, 2006
CPP PUNISHES DISSIDENTS IN POIPET COMMUNE
Poipet is Cambodia's largest commune with over 100,000 inhabitants.
On September 11, 2006, Poipet commune council led by SRP commune chief Hay Nam Heng will organize a ceremony at the commune office in Banteay Meanchey province to inaugurate eleven village chiefs who have recently been elected by the commune council. Among the eleven village chiefs, five are affiliated with the CPP, four with the SRP, and two with Funcinpec.
Reflecting the outcome of local elections held in 2002, the 11-member commune council is made up of 5 councilors from the SRP (including the commune chief), 4 from the CPP, and 2 from Funcinpec. Earlier this year, despite the fact that they had collected less popular votes than the SRP in 2002, the ruling CPP planned to take the control of all the commune's eleven villages. However, among the four CPP councilors, two refused to obey their party's instructions and suggested instead that the commune's eleven villages be fairly shared among the three political parties represented in the commune council.
On June 14, 2006, an election was held to set up a Commune Election Committee to organize the election of village chiefs. A SRP councilor was elected as President of the Committee thanks to the support from a CPP councilor. The CPP leadership identified councilor Luy Kim Sun as the "traitor" and fired him two days later.
On June 21, 2006, the commune council met and elected the eleven village chiefs as detailed above. The CPP's plan to take the control of the eleven villages was foiled because of the "betrayal" of CPP councilor Pen Tho. The latter was fired a few days later. Then, the CPP started to cry foul and alleged that the election was rigged. After the hasty, hectic and controversial replacement of Luy Kim Sun and Pen Thol with two new councilors who are believed to follow the party's line more faithfully, the CPP is calling for new elections to be held for (only) the four village chief positions won by the SRP.
Given the principles of decentralization, the CCP's current demarche is illegal since the Central Government has no right to intervene in an election of village chiefs that have been organized by commune authorities in accordance with clearly defined rules and procedures. Everything is over now.
The Poipet commune council has invited Members of Parliament from the three political parties, as well as diplomats and NGO leaders, to attend the inauguration ceremony as guests of honor.
We will attend in spite of increasing threat and intimidation.
SRP Members of Parliament
The Red Sense
This article is about a new film, called "The Red Sense," by Khmer Australian director, Tim Pek. The film deals with the Khmer Rouge Regime, and the upcoming trials, from the perspective of modern Khmer young people, living in a western country.
Photos are available upon request.
And the Whole World Would be Blind and Toothless
c, New Australian Khmer Film Calls for Forgiveness in the Wake of the Khmer Rouge Genocide
By Antonio Graceffo
¡°When you set out to seek revenge, first dig two graves.¡±
Ancient Chinese proverb
Your earliest memories are filled with the pain of hunger, privation and torture. The only image you have which is more powerful, is that of your father¡¯s murder, at the hands of the Khmer Rouge. The horror of your early childhood gives way to vague memories of a daring escape to Thailand. Next, there is a period of years wasted in deplorable conditions in a refugee camp, followed by a frightening journey to foreign country, where you began your new life, as an overseas Khmer, one of the lucky few, who was give a second chance at life, after 25% of the population of your home country was slaughtered.
In Australia, where you never quite feel at home, you struggle to learn a new language, adapt to a new culture, and deal with the angst your mother feels when she and the other adults talk about their suffering under the Pol Pot regime.
And of course, you know you will never see your father again.
You struggle to put the past behind you. You have enough to eat, and access to a state education. You grow up and attend university in Sydney. You are moving forward, letting go of your past. You are young, beautiful and bright. You will pave a new path for your family, in a new world.
But all your dreams and hopes for the future come toppling down, as your past catches up with you. It all ends the day you learn that your father¡¯s killer, a former Khmer Rouge soldier, is alive and well, living comfortably in Australia.
What do you do? Do you kill him? Do you turn him in to the authorities? Or do you forgive and forget, embracing the future and letting the past burry the past.
These are the questions that modern Cambodia is dealing with as they move towards a Khmer Rouge trial. These are also the questions Australian Khmer director, Tim Pek explores in his new film, ¡°The Red Sense.¡±
Tim Pek, who has also been involved in the Khmer film, ¡°Buffalo Protecting Child,¡± and the Australian Khmer Rouge film, ¡°Chhay¡±, makes his directing debut, with ¡°The Red Sense,¡± a film which he hopes will motivate modern Cambodians to forget the past, and focus on the future.
Filmed in Australia, ¡°The red Sense¡± features a Khmer cast, all of whom have their own connection to the Khmer Genocide.
Actress Sarina Luy, who plays the role of Kong Jan Melear, the young woman who discovers her father¡¯s murderer in Australia, says ¡°My parents always talk to me about all the difficulties that they went through during that time.¡±
Sarina Luy came to Australia in 1995, arriving from New Zealand, after having left a refuge camp in Thailand, in 1991.
Each member of the crew had a different reason for wanting to do the film, and for feeling ¡°the Red Sense¡± was important.
¡°I think the Khmer Rouge time is a powerful memory in the hearts of older people, and they will never forget and forgive.¡± She says. ¡°I really think this film is very important for overseas Khmers, especially all the teenagers should know about the history and the difficulties that our poor people have gone through.¡±
¡°The red Sense¡± was written by Tim Pek and Rithy Dourng.
¡°I came to Australia in November 1994 at the age of 12.¡± Said Rithy Dourng. Like the others, Rithy also has a personal connection to the Khmer Rouge atrocities.
¡°My grandfather died during the Khmer Rouge time.¡± He explained. ¡°My family does not talk about the times under the Khmer Rouge regime all that much, only when we have family gatherings, to share a bit of what they went through.¡±
Rithy points out that ¡°The Red Sense¡± is a very unique film. ¡°I believe this film would be one of the first Khmer films to incorporate western elements, such as the western style of filming and portraying a story.¡±
Rithy feels the major problem facing overseas Khmer is a loss of culture. ¡°As time goes by, we drift further and further apart from our culture, traditions and particularly our language; and eventually we would loose our identity completely.¡±
He calls to overseas Khmers to help heal the wounds of his people. ¡°There is no one magic solution that could address this issue. The solution has to come from a combination of activities that must be supported by the majority of, if not all overseas Khmers. We need to promote Khmer language education by sending young children to Khmer language school and regular events offering opportunities for community participation. These are key starting points in maintaining the Khmer identity.¡±
In the film, as Sarina Luy seeks the right answer, she calls upon a Khmer monk at a temple in Australia for advice. In pre-Khmer Rouge Cambodia, it was very common for people to go to the monks for advice, or to settle their differences. Today, with the loss of culture and distrust of organizations, seeking the advice of monks may actually be more common in overseas communities than in Cambodia.
As the film deals with the concept of forgetting the past, it is no wonder that many of those involved are against the controversial Khmer Rouge trials. Rithy, for one is against the trials.
¡°I feel the Khmer Rouge trials in Cambodia are not worth the money spent. If they were going to have trials, they should have been held 20 years ago, not now, that most Cambodian people are trying to move forward.¡±
To date, only two Khmer Rouge cadre have been tried or incarcerated. While many Khmers see this as a travesty of justice, wishing the guilty to be punished, many also feel that the trials will only drag up old hatred and open wounds which could potentially heal.
¡°The millions of dollars spent on the trials would be more worthwhile if it was spent on poverty reduction, community development and helping the poor and needy who are desperately in need of food and shelter.¡± Said Rithy.
Kaply Mon, who plays Odom Chen, Melear's lover, says that three of his brothers were killed by the Khmer Rouge. ¡°My family always talks about this.¡±
The film is scheduled for independent release in Australia in November of 2006. There will be a public debut in Phnom Penh and a world DVD release.
Mr. Narith Eng, who plays Chen Vann, the Khmer Rouge killer, came to Australia in 1989. He had this to say, about how the film would be received in Cambodia. ¡°Its hard to say if young people living in Cambodia will understand. For example, my son is very young. He doesn't understand much about Khmer Rouge, the torture, the hardship etc...But, I think this type of younger generation will learn and adapt more easily than older generation.¡±
¡°This move is very important for people who lost their loved ones, to understand, to regain their conscience.
As for forgive and forget, Narith Eng had this to say about the real Khmer Rouge killers. ¡°If I know the killer, I think I would take revenge. They need to pay the price.¡± It came as no surprise that Narith Eng is in favor of the Khmer Rouge trials. ¡°I am very delighted and content about the trials. I have always wished that the trails would go ahead. Again it¡¯s a radical issue.¡±
Ta Mok was one of the highest rnaking Khmer Rouge cadre still living. Since his recent death, there has been even more speculation on the trials, if they should be held, or if there would be reliable witnesses who knew the inner workings of the Khmer Rouge central command.
¡°Since the Ta Mok is dead, things won't be easy anymore, but I hope we can bring justice to everyone.¡± Said Narith Eng.
Director Tim Pek found making the film to be a very emotional experience. ¡°Making the movie blew me away. Even though there were a lot of gruesome memories and pains, I've heard many worse stories from other Khmers, and my heart just melted.¡±
Tim Pek feels the pain of his people, and hopes to bring a healing salve, by promoting forgiveness.
¡°One question which constantly reoccurs to me,¡± began Pek, ¡°why does the Khmer younger generation still seek revenge, after three decades have passed? Why not use this mental energy to turn around and concentrate on building
Cambodian's future.¡±
Tim Pek urges the modern Khmers. ¡°Stop debating this useless point! Let us open a new chapter, and love each other.¡±
Cambodia has seen enough war.
You can see the film trailer and photos at: Websit
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The Monk from Brooklyn
Bikes, Boats, and Boxing Gloves
The Desert of Death on Three Wheels
Adventures in Formosa
Fighting from the Walls of Angkor Wat
Fighting from the Walls of Angkor Wat
National competitions of Bokator Khmer, the Ancient Cambodian Martial Art, to be held in Cambodia, first time in nearly 1,000 years.
By Antonio Graceffo
During an expedition into China¡¯s Taklamakan Desert, explorer, Sven Hedin, uncovered a piece of parchment, later discovered to be nearly two thousand years old, and counted as one of the world¡¯s oldest documents.
China and much of Europe have had the luck of having a long tradition of recording their history in written form, with books and whole libraries dating back more than 1,000 years. This rich knowledge of their history has given these countries a strong sense of nationalistic pride.
While Cambodia has not been so lucky in terms of printing and preserving books, the history of the Angkorian Empire can be found carved in bass relief on the walls of Angkor Wat. The fabulous temple complex, one of the wonders of the world, is at once a monument to that great empire, and the best source of information about Cambodia¡¯s past.
In the martial tradition of their warrior ancestors, the Cambodians chose Kick Boxing as their national sport. To date, Cambodian kick boxers have been effectively excluded from participating in international competitions because of a row with Thailand, regarding the name of the sport. Cambodians claim that the bass relief carved on the walls of Angkor Wat prove that the Khmers invented kick boxing. They resent the popular name Mauy Thai, which has been adopted by most of the rest of the world. They refuse to join the World Muay Thai Council, on principle. And have consequently become a hermit kingdom of fighters with no place to fight.
Regardless of the outcome of the boxing argument, the Ancient Khmer martial art of Bokator is something which belongs only to Cambodia. The proof is ¡°written in stone,¡± on the walls of Angkor Wat.
Unlike kick boxing, which is a sport fighting art, Bokator was a soldier¡¯s art, designed to be used on the battlefield, against Thailand, and practiced by King Jaya Varman VII. Bokator is a complete martial
Master Sam Kim Saen, Rather than continuing g an age old argument,
Khmer Bokator is a very complete martial art, which uses strikes, throws, drags, trapping, and locking, and ground fighting. In Bokator every single part of the body can be used as a weapon. Bokator practitioners are trained to strike with knees, hands, elbows, feet, shins, and head. Even the fingers, hip, jaw, and shoulders can be used to pound an opponent.
Grand Master Sam Kim Saen is the man credited with reviving this wonderful martial art, which was almost lost.
¡°During the Khmer Rouge time, masters of traditional arts, such as painting, dancing, music, and martial arts were hunted down and killed.¡± Explained Master Sam Kim Saen. ¡°All of my training brothers and students, as well as two of my children, were killed by the Khmer Rouge.¡±
After the Khmer Rouge Regime ended, and the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia began, martial arts were completely outlawed.
To keep the art alive, Grand Master Sam Kim Saen taught martial arts in secret, but was eventually turned into the authorities by an informant. Afraid for his life, he escaped to a refugee camp in Thailand, and then later, to the USA.
Although he and his family were safe in America, Grand Master Sam Kim Saen was still concerned about his country. ¡°Khmer young people don¡¯t even know their own history. They don¡¯t know about our greatness in the past, the ancient arts which were taught by the grandfathers¡¯ grandfather, which is running in our blood.¡±
He moved back to Phnom Penh, and in 2001, he began teaching Bokator. In the hopes of brining all of the living masters together, he began combing the countryside, looking for any Bokator teachers who had survived. The few men he found were old, ranging from sixty to ninety years of age. After nearly thirty years of oppression, they were afraid to teach the art openly.
¡°I tried to tell them it was OK, we already had permission from the government, but they wouldn¡¯t listen.¡± Said San Kim Sean. The old men wanted to stay in the province. But San Kim Sean insisted. ¡°You have a great gift which was given to you by our ancestors. Do you want to steal it from our children? When you die, the art will die with.¡±
In the end, they believed him.
¡°Some of them broke down in tears.¡± Laughed San Kim Sean, who seemed like he could be persuasive when he needed to. ¡°In April of 2004 we held the first Bokator conference in Phnom Penh. Now, there are schools in eight provinces. And, we are preparing for a national championships.¡±
Bokator, like Chinese Kung Fu, has various styles, which teach the students to emulate the fighting of a particular animal.
According to Sam Kim Saen, the fingers can be trained to be as tough and piercing as the fangs of a lion. With a small movement he can deliver a painful finger strike, piercing a pressure point on an opponent¡¯s body. He demonstrates how a double finger strike can be used to rip out a collarbone.
Bokator Khmer uses colored Krama (traditional Khmer scarves) instead of belts. The art contains ten animal styles. The five white krama animal forms include: king monkey, lion, elephant, apsara (traditional Hindu sacred nymph), and crocodile. The green krama forms include: duck, crab, horse, bird, and dragon.
The first ever National Bokator competition will be held in Phnom Penh, at the Olympic Stadium, September 26, 27, 28, and 29. The competition will comprise 20 teachers, leading teams from 9 provinces.
¡°I feel great.¡± Laughs the Master, ¡°This is the first time in history that we hold a National Bokator competition. We will put on a good show.¡± And hopefully preserve the art.
There will be competition divisions for both teachers and students. The competition will have a demonstration component, where competitors will execute a form, a pre-rehearsed and choreographed series of movements, as well a fighting component. The competition will include demonstration of Bokator weapons, the long and short stick, and short sword.
Bokator fights shall consist of three, three minute rounds, with two minutes rest in between. Unlike in sport fighting, the Bokator fighters will not wear gloves. Instead, their hands will be wrapped with krama (Khmer traditional scarf). Legal techniques will include all kinds of strikes, kicks, elbows, and knees. No head-butts, eye gouges or groin strikes are allowed. Fighters may throw an opponent. Once on the ground, they are permitted to use joint locks or submissions, but no strikes.
In the developed world, Mixed Martial Arts, professional no-holds-barred fighting competitions, which include kicking, punching, knees, elbows, and ground fighting, is quickly becoming an extremely popular, and lucrative, sport. Many of the rules which
distanced boxing, kick boxing, and sport martial arts from their combative origins have now been repealed. As martial artists travel the world, looking for the most effective systems of martial arts to combine into an indomitable fighting art, it is my belief that they need to take a look at ancient arts, which well pre-date sport fighting. Most notably, I believe that Bokator Khmer may prove to be a well-spring of innovative new ideas and concepts. But then, like the re-discovery of Angkor Wat, the world would not be discovering something new. They would be discovering secrets which the Khmer people have known for centuries.
Bokator Khmer will be featured in a new film series, called Martial Arts Odyssey
Directed by Khmer Australian director, Tim Pek, and hosted by adventure writer, Antonio Graceffo
Tim is well-known for his touching film about the Khmer Rouge genocide, "The Red Sense."
Contact Antonio Graceffo: antonio@speakingadventure.com
Contact: Master Sam Kim Saen – Bokator teacher kimseanboxkator@yahoo.com
Tel: 012651845
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The Monk from Brooklyn
Bikes, Boats, and Boxing Gloves
The Desert of Death on Three Wheels
Adventures in Formosa
Cambodia Politic, Remove Dangerous Trees to Save Forest
By Kok Sap
September 3, 2006
The mischievous politic in Cambodia had made martyr out of young dynamic advocate Mr. Chea Vichea. He was one of the victims of such cowardice politics. Never before, he was nearly a walking time bomb trigger of the unforeseen predicament for Hun Sen infidel regime. People were cheated, frustrated, infuriated, and disrespectfully provoked. On his funeral day, the awesome number of participants and onlookers had undoubtedly put the officials to elevate precaution and cross fingers in wishing no riot occurred. Calmly and grievously, mourners bottled up anger in respect of their hero dignity.
Imagine, on the flip side of the event, if that many people included average public servants, teachers, lowly rank soldiers, city cyclo and motorbike drivers, truck drivers, uniformly boycott the government underhanded the land grabbing or corruption or rigged election for one week straight after that day. Imagine how mighty and irresistible force of people would be. This is notably character of Khmer society, patience and immeasurably tolerance is virtue.
But other question who really want to risk the meager wage or crumbly possession to challenge powerful Hun Sen Clique and crony. Because of the demagogue and misleading tactics, people still did not get it that they have power to make or replace government of their choices. The exceptionally precedents took place in 1970 and 1976 when the almighty god sent dictator Sihanouk was invited to make way for people choice. So this is not impossible to happen to Hun Sen dictatorship or anyone else in that matter either, only time will tell.
Considering Cambodia violence history, of course, people fear of gun barrels that come in naturally. But the gun barrels or violent forces are merely of own victims of government corruption themselves. Theoretically, all gun barrels shall save people sufferings and pains from going through life under long overdue dictatorship and thug operatives. Realistically speaking, politicians are also made of people of individuality with emotion, sentiment, kinship, and conscience. At the same time, soldiers are people children, husbands, fathers, brothers, kin and classmates. Soldiers symbolize people esteem in self defense not the individuality greed in government. They have the job because of people support them in forms and shapes.
Traditionally saying, it takes a forest to affront the storm. A handful of trees is not the forest. Figuratively, the soldiers as if it is a bunch of small trees that make up the forest. The army made of soldiers, not a handful of generals. Other obvious, to make a general it needs only one soldier. Remember large trees can’t replace forest. Otherwise it is a lot easier to make a general than an army. Thus the army can easily replace a general but not all the soldiers.
Conclusively Hun Sen or Sihanouk is stately tree which is dangerously to the livelihood of the forest. It takes a very capable army to remove forest but a marginally force for a tree. Exemplary, it took Hun Sen and crony over 27 years to destroy thousand year existence of forest in Cambodia. If Cambodia is awaken, it may take it a minus second to have adverse consequences on Hun Sen or any one else. Please bear in mind there are less variety of grown trees than the seedlings in the forest. Ultimately, the seedlings are the future forest not the few tallest trees to affront the future storm.
Statement of Heng Peov
Transcript and Original "Statement of Heng Peov"
Heng Pov
The following is a transcript of the statement issued anonymously under the name of Heng Pov.
Statement of Heng Peov
Until 27 July 2006, I was the Major General of Ministry of Interior’s Under Secretary of State, and Personal Advisor to Prime Minister Hun Sen. At the same time I retained the position of the Police Commissioner of Phnom Penh until January 2006, a position that he had held since 2001.
On 27 July 2006 whilst I was overseas, my Prime Minister appealed to King Sihamoni to remove me from my position and the King signed the agreement.
I am now in hiding in a neighbouring country and cannot go back to my beloved country Cambodia. My Government has been mounting a propaganda campaign against me since I left Cambodia on 23 July 2006. I have been portrayed by the Cambodian media as a villain and a criminal. My family in Cambodia including my wife who is recovering from cancer and my two year old American born son Pov Justin have been placed under house arrest. They have searched my two houses and confiscated my assets. Most of my staff members have been arrested on trumped up charges. An International Warrant has also been issued for my arrest.
I think it is time to tell the world my story and hopefully by so doing I can clear my already muddied name. I am nothing like what I have been accused of and I have never committed the crimes that they have alleged. I wish to declare to the whole world my innocence. This document is my only means to get my message crossed.
I believe that it was my consistent efforts to eradicate the rampant corruption in Cambodia, my support for the transformation of Cambodia into a democratic society and my position against systemic human rights violations in the country which has resulted in the precarious circumstances I have found myself in. I do not regret what I have done. If I have to die for my beliefs and my country I stand ready and willing to do so.
I was born in Kandal Province on 1 December 1957 and both of my parents were rice farmers. My parents passed away when I was the age of 11.
In 1992, when I was on duty as a police officer in the Anti-Crime Squad in Phnom Penh, I suffered a gunshot injury to my left leg which resulted in my leg being amputated. I lost my left leg for my country.
In 1995, there were wide- spread demonstrations in Cambodia led by Sene Sane for democracy. The Prime Minister Hun Sen ordered to that these demonstrations be quashed. He called for a meeting with Hoc Lundy, General Director of the Police Force. I was invited by Hoc Lundy to the meeting as his friend. (I recall Amson An, Secretary of State of Ministry of Interiors was also at the meeting. The meeting was held at the Prime Minister's residence at Tourle Krarsing, Kandal Province.) At that time, I was the chief of Bureau of Anti Narcotic in Phnom Penh. At the meeting, I heard them saying to do whatever possible to bring to an end the nationwide unrests. I did not know that he would use the grenades at the demonstrators.
The grenades killed over 10 people at the Pagoda. Sene Sane's son was injured by the grenades including 10 other people. I did not know that they would be using the hand grenades against the innocent demonstrators. I was not a party to it. When the grenades exploded, I was at the office of Net Sa Veun talking to him about how Hun Sen had met Hoc Lundy. After that the police were alerted to the explosions and that is when I knew that something bad happened. I only found out that after the grenades exploded. The police were called upon to investigate who was responsible for the bombing, but they did the investigation superficially and were trying to cover the track than to find the person responsible.
During my time at the Anti-Narcotic Bureau, I discovered evidence showing Hun Sen's people being involved in drug trafficking. I went to see Hun Sen with a view to bringing it to his attention. He took me to the cellar of his house which was nicely decorated. Hun Sen asked me whether I knew the names of the people who were into the drugs. I replied that I knew and I told him one name Mon Routy whom I was sure was involved. I suspected other men of Hun Sen were also involved, but I was not 100% sure. Hun Sen did not make any comments. Then Hoc Lundy then arrived with Huy Piseth, Chief of the Hun Sen's bodyguards and distracted my discussion with him. We then talked about the opposition party's protest. Hoc Lundy said to Hun Sen, ' why don't you use hand grenades.' Hun Sen said that it was a good idea... "I can send Seth to do it and he is a good operator." He authorized Hoc Lundy to pay for Huy PiSeth to do the job. Hoc Lundy answered that he would put together the money to pay them. He suggested that I met with Seth. After that, Hoc Lundy ordered me to find the money (US$ 100000) to give to Huy Piseth. The money came from the police.
On 30/3/97, the opposition leader Sam Rainsy led a demonstration calling for the reform of the justice system in Cambodia. The demonstration was held in front of the Assembly of the Nation. I was near the Pro Tom Pagoda and witnessed what happened. My staff took me on his motorbike to see the big protest outside the Assembly. 2-4 minutes after we arrived, I heard a big explosion and people crying and screaming. Then I saw four men running away from the scene. I recognized only two of them that were: Mr Phan Sary Colonel and Mr Ourn Cham Nane Commander; both of them were Hun Sen's men. I did not know the other two. They ran towards the Prime Minister' house. I followed them there to see what they ran away like that for. I talked to General Huy Pheseth and told him that I saw four of his people running away from the scene and that they should not have thrown the grenades. He told me to keep quiet and don't talk to any body. But I was angry and upset. I need to speak to somebody about it. I went to see Hoc Lundy who I considered at the time as my friend. I felt that I had to report to Hoc and could not understand why Hun Sen chose to kill so many people. But he told me the same thing to keep quiet and not to tell anybody about it. Amongst the people who were killed or injured was an American. I understand the American Government sent people to Cambodia to investigate.
In 2003 Phan Sary came to see me in my office. He admitted to me that he was the person who threw the grenades. He said that he was very sad because he killed so many people. He complained that Hun Sen used to pay him money to have things done. When he was in trouble nobody seemed to care about him He said that he did what he did because Hun Sen ordered him and he had to please him. He acknowledged that he killed a lot of people before. He said that he now did not even have money to support his children. I recorded the conversation.
Seizure of 7 tons of cannabis
In 1997, I was the director of anti-narcotic bureau. I seized seven tons of marihuana belonging to Mon Rati's company. Mon Rati was a close friend of Hun Sen. The marihuana was hidden away in two containers and were ready to be shipped to Norway. The seizure occurred at a border port of Siha Nauk Vill, after the seizure, Mr. Ho Sok, the undersecretary of the Ministry of Interior from the Funcinpec Party asked me to arrest Mon Rati. I could not do it as Mon Rati was associated with Hun Sen and he intervened. Hun Sen announced in the media that if Mon Rati was arrested, he would make sure that Mon Rati would not be touched. I therefore could not do anything about it. After that, the Canadian Embassy invited me to go to Canada to brief the Canadian government on the seizure. The Hun Sen was very angry with Ho Sok. Before I was scheduled to leave for Canada, Hun Sen called me to his residence and asked me to consider not to go to Canada. He asked me to tell the Canadian that I was busy and could not accept the invitation. The story of the seizure became bigger than what it was supposed to be because it involved Hun Sen's people. Hun Sen openly vowed to protect Mon Rati. Hun Sen said that if I were to tell the Canadian about the drug seizure, the international community would exert pressure on the Cambodian Government. He suggested that I stay calm and keep quiet. If I did what he told me to do, I would be given a new car by Mon Rati. Mon Rati then paid me a visit shortly after my meeting with the Prime Minister. Hun Sen also asked me to give a press conference denying the seizure ever occurred and to cover it up.
I was afraid of Hun Sen and he was too powerful. I had no option but to obey. I accepted the car from Mon Rati. It was a 1997 Landcruiser Toyota. My office was given a second hand Hilux for use. it has a logo of Mon Rati's on it. Hun Sen subsequently ordered me to go and arrest another person Chai Sok Kom instead as a scapegoat. Chai worked in the military police belonging to Funcinpec Party
Assassination of Ho Sok
Shortly after the above incident, there was a coup d'etat in July 1997 led by Hun Sen to outlaw the Funcinpec Party. Mr. Ho Sok went to the Singapore Embassy in Phnom Penh for asylum because Hun Sen and Hoc Lundy were trying to arrest him as he was from the Funcipec Party. The asylum was refused and Ho Sok was turned away. Hoc Lundy then apprehended him and ordered his bodyguards to take him to General Ma Seun's office of the PPC. Hoc Lundy then gave me direct order to take Ho Sok to my office. When I arrived there, there were 6 armed men sent by Hoc Lundy waiting for me. I knew the two of them and they were Keov Vichet and Bon Na . They shot Ho Sok outside Ma Seun's office. I questioned them as to the killing. Bon Na replied that Hoc Lundy sent them to kill Ho Sok then and there. Hoc Lundy did not like Ho Sok. I was shocked and rang Hoc Lundy who said that if Ho Sok was alive he would create a lot of trouble for us. He asked me to give Bon Na a car from the police vehicle pool as his reward. I did what I was told and gave Bon Na a Camry 97.
There were five people who witnessed the killing, Ma Seun, Thorn Im and three other people including Thorn Lim (General) and Ine Bora (Colonel), Mow So Vanna (Colonel) and the other anti-crime squad,
The Death of Movie Star Piseth Pilika
In 1999, I was heading the Anti- Crime Bureau as deputy director and was in charge of the investigation of the death of the movie star. I found that before she died, she had an affair with Hoc Lundy. Her husband went overseas frequently, leaving her alone in Cambodia. Hoc Lundy often contacted her and took her to parties and buying her presents etc. In due course, a relationship was developed and she bore a son for Hoc Lundy. Then Hoc Lundy introduced her to Hun Sen. Hun Sen met her. Prior to her meeting Hun Sen, she was not that well off. But afterwards, she made a lot of money. Her bank account in Canada Bank showed a balance of US$30,000 at the time of her death. She was also given a brand new Honda CRV and a villa. She was worried about her safety everyday as Hun Sen's wife found out their secret affairs. Hun Sen's wife blamed Hoc Lundy as he was the matchmaker. Hoc Lundy made peace with her and promised that he would try to separate the movie star from Hun Sen. Soon the movie star was killed. I found out that the killer was one of Hoc Lundy's body guards. I went to question Bon Na and he admitted that he was involved together with Keov Vichet in the killing under the order of Hoc Lundy.
Because the crime involved Hoc Lundy, I could do nothing about it. I made no arrest. I was very upset and there an innocent life killed and I being a police officer could do nothing.
Helping the Opposition Party
In 2000, I got in touch with the opposition parties. I did this because I believed that the Hun Sen government was corrupted and that if there was any hope for Cambodia, it would be through the opposition parties. He had too much blood on his hands having killed too many people. I would like to see a change in the Cambodian Government to bring democracy and Justice to Cambodia. When I heard Hoc Lundy and Hun Sen were conspiring to kill them. I went to alert the opposition leaders in secret by contacting people closer to them and to warn them.
I suggested to them joining forces to get a better chance to be elected in the next election in 2008. I also gave some evidence showing how corrupted Hun Sen was to the opposition leaders so that they may expose it to the public. In late June/July 2006, Hun Sen found out that I was speaking to the opposition giving them suggestions etc. He was not happy with me. He accused me of being not loyal to the PPC.
On 23 July, I left Cambodia to Malaysia to have my leg checked and then to Singapore to see my sons and get a prescription glass done by a friend. Before I left, I asked for permission to go overseas and they granted the permission. On 28 July, I heard from Cambodia and friends that I could not go back anymore because Hun Sen was angry with me accusing me of being a traitor to the PPC. They were trumping up charges against me.
I know his real reasons for my arrest. I know too much about him and about his illegal activities. He saw me as a threat to him and wanted to get rid of me.
Speaking out
With all that I found out about Hun Sen and Hoc Lundy, I was in despair. I was like a lost ship in a vast ocean. I have my principles and ideals but in a corrupted world, I was going nowhere. To survive, I have to keep my eyes closed to many evils that I have witnessed. It was killing me inside. On three separate occasions between 1999, 2000 and 2001, I decided to talk to the Human Rights Watch in Cambodia . I spoke to Ms. Pon Chigate(PHON), Director of the LICADO in Cambodia, Eva of Global Witness in Phnom Penh, Henrick, former UNHCR representative in Phnom Penh, Christopher Peschoux, UNHCR in Geneva, Mr. Paul Grover of the US Anti-Drug Intelligence Service and finally Naly of the LICADO in Cambodia.
Killing of Judge Sok Setha Mony
I read in the foreign press that I have been accused by Hun Sen of being involved in the assassination of Judge Sok Setha Mony. This is a total fabrication on Hun Sen's part to justify his campaign against me.
In 2003, the judge was killed by a terrorist group known as the CFF. The military police in Phnom Penh arrested three people suspected of being involved in the assassination. The arrests were coordinated by Colonel Sim Hong, Military police, who headed the investigations. I had nothing to do with the arrest, because it was military police's job.
The people arrested are Chun Ched Tra, and Moul Made but I cannot remember the other person's name.
I had a great respect for the judge and I had personally known him well. There was no way that I would have arranged for him to be killed.
I believe that this is just one of the many trumped up charges they had against me in order to secure my arrest. I know too much and I have treaded on too many toes.
Seizure of 36 kg Heroine
In 2003, I obtained information from an anonymous tip that Lt Colonel Ngur Sambath who was a man of General Sao Sokkha (three-star) and general Dom Hak (2 star) was involved in heroine trade. Following investigations, we attend his residence at Toul Kork District, in Phnom Penh and seized 36 kg of Heroine. Lt Colonel was arrested on the spot but Dom Hak who was residing there fled the scene. We attempted to chase after him to arrest him, but Hun Sen stopped us, ordering not to arrest Dom Hak nor to investigate, saying that there was no need to arrest Dom Hak. I had to stop chasing and investigating. Instead of punishing him Hun Sen surprisingly promoted him to three star about one month later. Ngur Sambath was found killed in the prison. Hun Sen told me not to be too harsh on drug trade.
Not long after this, there was a function organized by Hoc Lundv for all the general. Sao Sokkha was there and I was also invited. Sau Sokkha praised me a lot at the function and wanted me to be close to him. He said to me that if we united together, we could do anything in Cambodia. He then said that there was only one thing referring to my stance on drug trade. He asked me to stop investigating into the drug trafficking as Narcotic did not cause any trouble to Cambodia. I confronted him saving that I did not agree. He became angry and said to me that if you kept investigating, he would use his own sword to kill me
Other people witnessed it and they came over to us trying to calm us down.
Request for court and justice reform
At the beginning of 2005, I requested to my Prime Minister Hun Sen to reform the court and justice system as it was corrupted. Many judges around the country were not happy with me especially the prosecutor OKsa Voth who was known to be the master of corruption. The Prime Minister supported me and he announced in public to reform the country's justice system. People welcomed the move and to commemorate the occasion, they wrote a song in which my name was mentioned. I told them not to as the Prime Minister would not be happy to see my name being promoted too much. Oksa Voth was unhappy with me as he saw the reform would potentially bring to an end what he could do under the current system.
Mv current circumstances -- a direct result of my position in the government and my open defiance against Hoc Lundv and the Prime Minister
In 2005, Hoc Lundy ordered me to kill the Secretary of the State Nut Sa Ann, because Mr Nut Sa Ann had a conflict with Hoc Lundy over a piece of land owned by the police. Hoc Lundy got very angry with him and ordered to arrange for him to be killed. I refused because I respected the man a lot and would not like to see him killed. I had to find an excuse for myself. I explained to Hoc Lundy that Nut Sa Ann had too many bodyguards and it would not be possible.
In December 2005, Hoc Lundy had a conflict with me because he wanted me to cut the lock to the residence of a Cambodian American lawyer David Chinava and to conduct a search. The reason for the search was that the lawyer was said to be drunken one day and drove into the Hun Sen. Public Garden. He fled the scene and kept quiet. About 10 days later, the police started investigating and found the car in his house which he had deserted. The house was locked and that's was the reason why I was ordered to cut the lock to gain access. I did not obey his order and told Hoc Lundy that it was illegal to do that. Hoc Lundy was upset with me for disobeying his order. He shouted at me questioning why amongst all the policemen and women in the country who all respected him, I was the only one who dared to disobey him. He said that he could not tolerate anybody who disrespected him.
At the beginning of 2005, Hoc Lundy's son Hock Lundao also known as Dy Vichea was divorced from his wife, Hun Chantah, the niece of Hun Sen.
All of the above incidents where I refused to obey to him made him very bitter against me. He bears grudges against me. On 25 December 2005, he invited the police commissioners, governors and other senior officials of seven Districts to a meeting at the Governor of Phnom Penh's residence. Around 400 people were present. I was one of the participants. Hoc Lundy conveyed his dissatisfaction openly with me and vowed that he would do whatever possible to strip me off my title in three months. He said that he would make this his objective and that if he did not achieve this, he would give up two of his own stars. To me, he declared a public war against me. He said that he was the head of the Mafia in Cambodia and that nobody could win him, 'not even the Advisor to the Prime Minister'. I have a recording of his speech which was given to me by another police friend who was at the meeting. The Cambodian newspaper also reported the meeting.
Subsequent to the meeting, I approached the Prime Minister for intervention. The Prime Minister told me not to worry, saying that there would be no way he would let Hoc Lundy remove me from my positions. He said that he himself had issues with Hoc Lundy.
Assassination of a Singaporean man
I have also been accused of killing a Singaporean man. It is absurd and why did I have to do that?
I was certainly not involved in the killing of the Singaporean man, Sim Ping Say. I know him pretty well and regarded him as my friend. Sim was gunned down and killed at the beginning of 2004 . To date nobody had been arrested for the killing.
Sim was a Singaporean businessman. He together with another Singaporean Mr. Kok entered into a joint venture with a Cambodian businessman Bun Hy. That was around 10 years ago. The joint venture was to build a hotel with 300 guest rooms. There were problems after problems associated with the building. The three partners eventually ended up not trusting each other. Because of the nature of the project, the Deputy Prime Minister Sao Ka Heng ordered me to intervene and find a solution to their problems. That's how I met Mr. Sim and Mr. Kok.
I recall during a meeting I convened for the three of them shortly after my appointment, Mr Kok complained to me about Mr Sim cheating money from him etc. Mr Sim was not present at the meeting. Mr. Kok also said that he was afraid of Mr. Sim because he may arrange for him to be killed and did not want to go back to Cambodia. That meeting was held in Singapore. Prior to the meeting, I met Mr. Kok several times and also received a letter Mr. Kok in Cambodia. Mr. Sim lost a lot of his investment in the project and would like to get out of it by selling the building. He proposed to sell the building and shared the proceeds amongst them. An agreement was reached in the form of memorandum of understanding and was sealed by the government. Because of their mistrust for each other, I was made the agent for the sale and advertised my number as the point of contact for the sale. Offers were received but we were not able to achieve a sale because they kept upper the prices offered. This was partly because after Mr. Sim was killed his wife took control and communicated directly with the other two parties. That situation made it impossible for me to sell the building. This tug of war continued until mid 2004 when I gave it up. I had had enough of their problems, and besides I had too much on my plate at that time.
Exclusive Hun Sen’s dirty jobs
Wednesday, August 16, 2006
Exclusive Hun Sen’s dirty jobs
Comments recorded by Sylvaine Pasquier
L’Express (France)
Translated from French by M. Preuk
Heng Pov was one of the police chiefs [of the city] of Phnom Penh, he was a key witness but also played an active role in the exactions made by the Prime Minister and his regime. Today Heng Pov is on the run, he provides [here] his exclusive testimony.
Yesterday, he was secretary of state at the Cambodian Ministry of Interior and advisor to Prime Minister Hun Sen, Heng Pov was relieved of all his duties at the end of July. Accused of various crimes, he is in hiding overseas, and he is also under a red notice alert broadcasted by Interpol at the demand of [the] Phnom Penh [regime]. The Cambodian authorities never deployed such aggressiveness towards the backers of political assassinations nor the killers on their payroll. Having occupied key positions, such as Phnom Penh police chief, Heng Pov knows the inside of the regime, and most of all, the secrets hidden behind closed doors. In this exclusive interview, he allows us a small peek behind the curtain hiding a universe of violence and mafia-like complicity in which he was one the player. Can he accuse his former peers without incriminating himself? Heng Pov is a time bomb for the Hun Sen regime. Can the regime avoid the shockwave?
Did you run away from Cambodia knowing that you would be charged?
I left the country legally last July 23, with an authorization for the Ministry of Interior, for medical care of my amputated leg. Five days later, some friends called me from Cambodia, warning me not to go back: Prime Minister Hun Sen and Hok Lundy, the national police chief, learnt about my contacts with the opposition and reprisals are expected [to be forthcoming]. They have fabricated entirely an accusation file against me – a process which was routinely used to throw the opponents [of the regime] behind bars. Currently, members of my family are detained at home, and they are kept in the dark. They are even prevented from going out to get food. The Prime Minister wants to catch me at all cost because I know too much about the crimes and corruption of the regime. If I am arrested and sent back to Cambodia, my life will be in danger. Once my security is assured, I will be ready to testify in order to clarify the international community on the practices of the Cambodian regime.
What are you referring to?
In 1995, Hun Sen wanted to put to an end all demonstrations demanding for democracy. To do that, he organized a meeting at his home in Tuol Krasaing, where Hok Lundy participated. The latter asked me to participate also. I know he was present and I have proof of what was said there. Grenades were thrown at the Son Sann [a former Prime Minister] party. I can tell you where these grenades came from and who threw them: they were men under Mok Chito who is nowadays at the head of the criminal police at the Ministry of Interior. In March of 1997, the same method was used against the partisans of Sam Rainsy, the opposition leader, who were gathering in front of the National Assembly. I just arrived at the spot for a few minutes when the explosions started. Suddenly, I saw 4 people running toward the residence of the Prime Minister.
Who were they?
I followed them, and I recognized two officers from Hun Sen’s guard [unit]. Shortly after, I informed General Hoy Piseth of my discovery, he was the commander of this [guard] unit. “Stay still and don’t talk about it to anybody,” he told me. But, I was angry and I told these facts to Hok Lundy who had the same reaction as Hoy Piseth. In 2003, one of those whom I identified during the grenade attack confessed to me that he was indeed one of the grenade launcher. “I obeyed the orders from Hun Sen,” the man added. There is still a recording of this conversation.
Were you informed beforehand of the July 1997 coup d’état?
Before this event, in April, about 7 tons of cannabis [marijuana] were ceased at the Sihanoukville port. The anti-drug trafficking office which I directed, discovered this illegal cargo in two containers shipped to Norway, and belonging to the Mong Reththy group – a businessman close to the Prime Minister. Ho Sok, the state secretary of the [Ministry of] Interior belonging to the royalist [Funcinpec] party, immediately asked for the arrest of Mong Reththy. Hun Sen was furious. Knowing that I was invited shortly thereafter to a seminar in Canada on anti-narcotic fight, the Prime Minister summoned me. “Do you know who is implicated in this [cannabis] traffic?” I replied: “Mong Reththy and some people in your entourage.” Hok Lundy, General Sao Sokha, then the deputy chief of the national police, or General Dom Hak, the leader of the land military army.
How did Hun Sen reacted?
He told me that I cannot go to Canada. Instead, he wanted me to organize a press conference to exonerate Mong Reththy. His orders were to falsify the documents in such a way as to implicate the royalist [Funcinpec] Chao Sokhon as being the culprit. Chao Sokhon was a police officer who was arrested and sent to jail. Freed two years later, he received some financial compensation. Thus Hun Sen put the blame on the royalist [Funcinpec] camp. However, Ho Sok knew that Mong Reththy was the culprit.
Was it why he (Ho Sok) was killed?
Exactly. Taking advantage of the coup d’état which Hun Sen perpetrated with the help of Hok Lundy, and Generals Hoy Piseth and Sao Sokha, as well as Neth Savoeun, his nephew through alliance, who was leading the Phnom Penh municipal police [force]. During the operation, the Prime Minister arranged to leave for Vietnam, but, he was in contact in permanence through satellite telephone with Hok Lundy whom Hun Sen entrusted the leadership. Turned away from the Singapore embassy where he went to look for protection, Ho Sok was arrested and brought to an office at the Ministry of Interior where Hok Lundy asked me to go to. On the spot, I saw six bodyguards belonging to the chief of the police who arrived there before me. They shot Ho Sok in front of my eyes. One of them whom I know well, emptied a whole magazine of AK-47 bullets on Ho Sok. I took him aside: “Why did you kill him? – I don’t know anything, Hok Lundy gave the order to do so, ask him yourself.” That was what I did. “It was necessary, Hok Lundy said, if not Ho Sok would have created problems.” The main worry of the police chief was for me to recover a car from a royalist official on the run: he wanted the car to give as a gift to the most zealous of the killers.
Is this the way the system [regime] operates?
When Hun Sen demanded that I falsified the documents regarding the seized cannabis, he warned me that Mong Reththy would give me a car, a Toyota Land Cruiser. My [official] duty landed me [only] a used Hillux pickup. Whoever executes the crime is a full partner of the system. To buy his silence, he is offered money or a car.
What do you know about the murder of actress Piseth Pilika in 1999?
I was in charge of the investigation as the deputy criminal police chief. I thus discovered that she first had an affair with Hok Lundy who later on presented her to Hun Sen. But Bun Rany, the wife of the Prime Minister, discovered her husband’s affair with the star. She accused Hok Lundy of acting as the go-between. The latter went to see her to make peace, to tell her that it was just a fling … However, I learnt through my investigation that he promised [Bun Rany] to separate Piseth Pilika from Hun Sen. Those who shot the actress were the same killers of Ho Sok. I questioned them and I recorded their testimonies.
You were the Phnom Penh police chief in 2004 when the unionist Chea Vichea was shot. Are the real culprits behind bars?
It was necessary to have a rigorous and transparent investigation, it was what I asked for, whereas the human rights organizations and the international community emphasized their pressure on the authorities. A few days after the murder, I was summoned to go to Hok Lundy’s home. Two generals were present there: Sok Phall and Chay Sinarith. Immediately, he (Hok Lundy) announced to me that the killers were identified and arrested! Based on a simple denunciation made by the Tuol Kork district police … It did not take me long to understand that the two suspects, Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun, had nothing to do with the murder. During the questioning, Hok Lundy called me, demanding that I went to his home to pick up a gun which he affirmed to be the crime weapon. He claimed that a police officer under the order of General Chay Synarith brought it over to him, and that it belonged to one of the suspect. I then thought of the royalist [Funcinpec] MP Om Radsady who was shot in 2003 in the middle of the street, just like Chea Vichea. I was convinced that the two crimes were organized by the same people. The methods used [in the killing] and the gun – which came from Hok Lundy – are identical.
Did you personally receive the order for murder?
In 2005, Hok Lundy asked me to kill Nuth Saan, secretary of state at the [Ministry of] Interior, with whom he had a conflict regarding a state-owned land and used by the Siem Reap police. Nuth Saan decided to sell it to hotel investors. Hok Lundy was furious about it, it was because the secretary of state took the decision without asking for his approval, and not because Nuth Saan was squandering public properties for his own benefit. Hok Lundy wanted to let everyone know that it is him who is in charge and nobody else. To tell Hok Lundy that I declined to act against the law would expose myself to the same fate as Nuth Saan. I dreamed up an excuse. Several times, I skirted his orders. In December 2005, at a meeting of police officers and commune leaders at the municipality of Phnom Penh, Hok Lundy took it out openly against me. He then ordered the arrest of several of my collaborators.
Can one remain upright in this system?
On several occasions, I gave information to human rights organizations and to the opposition – I was looking for somebody who can publicly divulge them. There is no doubt that I turned a blind eye on the corruption which Hun Sen claims to fight against, but that in fact, he is one of the main beneficiary. The sale of public properties such as the Phnom Penh police headquarter brought in for him, for example, 2 million dollars, Hok Lundy raked in $800,000 … The Prime Minister plays a dangerous game for the country. I am convinced that there will not be democracy in Cambodia as long as the opposition parties cannot succeed in uniting themselves against the current regime. As for the accusations leveled against me, I am ready to answer them in front of a tribunal, under the condition that it is not done either in Cambodia or Vietnam. In these places, there is no justice.
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Who’s Who
By Sylvaine Pasquier
Hok Lundy (1950-): One of the strongmen of the regime, at the head of the national police since 1994. He is linked to Hun Sen, the current Prime Minister, since 1979, whom he met in Vietnam. His son, Hok Lundao, married Hun Chanthah, Hun Sen’s niece, in 1998. He divorced her about a year and a half ago. Hok Chindavy, Hok Lundy’s daughter, is married to one of Hun Sen’s son, Hun Manit.
Ho Sok (1958-1997): Colonel, he was a member of the royalist military faction at the beginning of 1990, He was nominated secretary of state at the Ministry of Interior in 1995. Openly criticizing the corruption and drug trafficking, he was one of the first target during the 1997 coup d’état organized by Hun Sen. It was the only murder of an opponent acknowledged by the regime. The culprits have never been arrested.
Chea Vichea (1968-2004): President of the Free Trade Union of workers of the kingdom of Cambodia, he was by far the most active unionist in the textile industry, the main industry in Cambodia. He was shot and killed in the middle of the street on the morning of January 22, 2004 by unknown killers. Serious doubts remain on the culpability of two suspects accused of the murder and who are condemned to 25-year jail term each during a sham trial.
Piseth Pilika (1965-1999): Royal Ballet dancer and beloved Cambodian star. She had an affair with Prime Minister Hun Sen, which resulted in her being mortally wounded in 1999 near a market in Phnom Penh, by a killer who took off without worry. She died seven days later from her wounds. More than 10,000 people participated to her funeral.
Sam Rainsy (1949-): Former Finance Minister (1993-1994), nowadays, opposition leader, he founded the Khmer Nation Party in 1995, which was renamed Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) in 1998. A virulent critic of the regime and threatened with arrest several times, he was condemned in absentia to 18-month jail term for defamation in December 2005, he was later pardoned by the king.
Monogamy or Zip Up Fly or Shut Up in the Chamber Laws, Divergences
By Kok Sap,
August 31, 2006
People have high expectation in each MP as a fellow citizen representative not a yoyo. Please be mindful of people daily chagrins and hardship. If the purposely pending Anti Corruption law enacted accordingly, the polygamy or the offensive speeches especially the grand theft and extortion may take a rest on own initiative. The legislature and Administration kept taken aback about such bill despite of donors and lenders criticisms. All major donors threatened to suspend fund and repayment but that does not bother Saum-dach Hun-Chea- Heng a bit. And the other Saum-dach Prince of Hoods, RRidh, ran off with $30 million.
Recently we all can appreciate Heng Poev in letting public know how evil the current government and its key personalities. Remember, Heng Poev is just a tip of the whole Kahuna corruptive chain. So, the bill is very crucial in reforming the rampant corruption and disenfranchisement in Cambodia. Please stop fooling around and be serious with your high paid salary job. If this law enacted accordingly, the polygamy or the offensive speeches especially the grand theft and extortion might take a rest on own initiative.
The penal codes for corruptive activity ought to be with teeth and might. Then the regular social mischievous drinking, compulsive gambling, brothel visitation, trafficking-smuggling, and selling documents, to build up secret stashes for multiple foxes, as Sihanouk dubbed it, may take caution on own merit. Why all of sudden, monogamy and speech is so urgent? Is it because too close to next election and consultative conference which typically Hun Sen would run his mouth about the corruption law then the donors got soften and forgot all about it.
The National Assembly shall exercise full rights as stated in the Constitution. The Assembly is the Cambodia and its people. It shouldn't have lodged legitimate grievance with the Constitutional Council and King timely since the government head is reneging his duty.
The Constitution stated it so 1/10 of the Assembly can act in the best interest of people and national integrity. It has precedents in the record such as the packaged government vote, the lifting immunity vote, and 50 plus ONE legislation vote, the illegal treaties endorsement etc...
Henceforth, the FUNC and SRP can join force in such nationalistic reformation to curb and limit Prime Minister Office too much of power and authority in implementing policy without conferring the legislatures. Also, the Assembly should limit role in each of MP to hold multi offices while in Parliament. The Prime Minster office is ought to be open to all qualified candidate from participating political party unnecessary only the top echelon leadership. This to prevent dictatorship and conflict of interest before it is gone beyond presently. MP who holds ministerial top post should be excused from MP seat all together. Otherwise the culture of baking and eating cake will still continue unless a new revolution takes place.
The current system is giving too much power to Prime Minister to the degree that he acts belligerently and unilaterally toward the legislatures and Constitution. The Assembly is mandated by people votes to act on their behalf in protecting their interest and national sovereignty. Cambodia got to change the way the government and legislature function in order to balance and check for transparency.
All appear the monarchial and the totalitarian mechanism is still in place. Cambodia is still a corporate since Sihanouk has been studding around his ministers wives in exchange for juicy posts. It had never changed entirely even during the Khmer Republic.
Seemingly so many laws passed with MP showing hands as regularly. There was no forum nor debate or study about any law. That's the violation of privacy. It is coercion and intimidation. Therefore all votes should put into secret ballot for the sake of individual integrity and conscience. This is fundamental rule in democracy. All MP shall act and talk like real people voice not political influenced rubberstamping.
Presently the anarchy in land grabbing and drug smuggling, and social instability may consume Cambodia all together sooner. To uplift morality and transparency, each high office holder must file annual income and asset report with the treasury and national taxation services. If any doubt or suspicion, the legislature moves in with its investigative committee subpoena and court enforcement. The treasury, in turn, takes action in accordance with the laws. Up to this point people may not have to be killed for speaking up against evilness from officials. Daily the government dares to violently manhandling citizens without a flinch, because their representatives neglect duty and allow it. Therefore it is the Assembly job to preserve order and laws. It needs to push hard before next election arrived. The monogamy and draconian laws to intimidate vocal MP can be at ease in the light of the anticorruption law.
Constitution Exploitation,Nothing New
By Kok Sap,
August 31, 2006
The original UNTAC approved Constitution drafted and promulgated in 1993, Article 51 states" The Kingdom of Cambodia adopts policy of Liberal Democracy and pluralism. The Cambodian people are the master of their own country. All powers (power) belong to the people. The people exercise these (the) powers through the national Assembly, the Royal Government and the judiciary. The Legislative (National Assembly),
Executive (loosened term Government, actually the Administration) and
Judiciary Powers shall be separate (correctly separated but exclusively abiding in check and balance)." The clause seems distinctive and indicative of people power. But in reality it is pervasively contrary.
Out of the stated branches, the so called government possesses exclusive power to even dictate the other two. Each verse has no tooth.
Let's look at the staple of the article 51" the Kingdom of Cambodia adapts policy of Liberal Democracy and pluralism." Is this representative? Not likely. The words" adapts policy" is weak and ambiguous. It ought to be "adheres Democracy of Pluralism and Equality", instead. Next verse states" The Cambodian (no distinctive in qualification) people are the master of their own country." This is clearly rubbish. All know who the real master of their country is.
The following verse is more interestingly in term of who is really calling the shot," All powers (power) belong to the people. The people exercise these (the) powers through the national Assembly, the Royal Government and the Judiciary." Not so, if we look at the patterns, the Legislative or Judiciary makes no calling without afraid of Executive reprisal since most are actually subordinates of the government hierarchal. This is paradoxical. The oddity is whether egg or chicken comes first. In record, the head of government was originated from absolutism and authoritarianism. Thus he seems to impose members to heed his personal agendas rather than the people.
Such law is understated the power of people.
Lastly, "The Legislative, Executive and Judiciary Powers shall be separate." Like it or not this is totally a deception and demagogue.
Most MP members are holding multiple roles whether in administration (Executive) or legislative and/or party leadership. The obvious, who dares to risk losing self and fortune in disobedience the communistic permanent standing committee unshakable power. There goes the liberal democracy of customized pluralism. Double jeopardy, isn't it?
Cambodia Constitution has been very deceptive. It is unsubstantial and powerless. It commands no adherence from absolutists. The rulers habitually violate the parliamentarian privacy in hand showing vote on critically important matters especially if something had to do with opposing voice. One can't tell the difference in the government and the legislative or the judiciary. All are same persons in the name of people. So, the definition of people is the master of their country meant the selectively chosen few. The real people have no say so at all.
Finally, this is nothing new to Cambodia. It has been the inheritance from the Demi-God monarchial hypocrisy doctrine to the absolutist liberal democracy from 1975 to date. Therefore the Constitution in
Cambodia is a farce to its rulers. It does not hold esteem as much as expected. Most laws made for the rulers who preferably like to keep people in darkness all time. How can people trust own government that historically had never been respecting the laws?
Opportunity Lost at Opportunity Cost
Opportunity Lost at Opportunity Cost
By Kok Sap, August 30,2006
In economic sense, Cambodia seems to go through own inner adversary, as each ruler stayed in each regime too long, the break out comes natural. Let's look back during Sihanouk rule especially before he called in Viet Cong to make selves at home along eastern region of Cambodia. What went wrong then?
It was a big news splash in 1967; the trio French educated red parliamentary members Hu Nim, Hou Yun, and Khiev Samphan escaped from Sihanouk arrest but were caught and executed on spot in Pich Nil. Sihanouk himself boasted incessantly and annoyingly on national broadcast just like Hun Sen is doing now about his General Heng Poev. Then the trio opposed Sihanouk economic dependency on foreign donations. Before that, Democratic Party led by Prince Yuthivong and Mr.Iev Keuss won election hands downs but Sihanouk managed to stay on top via violence which ended up killing Democracy movement leader late Mr.Iev Keuss with a hand grenade right inside the parliament chamber. The poor self righteous trio had involved in Democratic Party for extended degree before they, themselves, ended up with no choice but to run fast from Phnom Penh before Sihanouk's Gestapo and SS like agents of Kou Run and Om Manorin put hands on their necks.
Then, in Battambang, coincidentally the Samlaut and Wai Chab generational landowners led the uprising against Sihanouk's greedy governor land grabbing. This unexpectedly escalated to a life time opportunity cost for the leftist ideological revolt to rock Sihanouk stinging Isle of Peace at the opportunity lost. How precise this resemblance took form once again in 1997 for Hun Sen who thought his regime was about to be toppled by the legitimate UN recognized government of Sihanoukists. Not enough, Hun Sen ordered his confidant Generals to greet Sam Rainsy peaceful demonstration with 4-5 hand grenades right in front of the national Assembly, the very symbol of democracy and people. Unfortunately, the opportunity lost at all opportunity cost to all Sihanoukists and Sihanouk own double standard culture.
Now, the reflection is no difference from Sihanouk to Hun Sen dictatorship inclined rule. Both had manipulated and intimidated critics. Some of the hard cores were imprisoned for press coverage and legitimacy. Identically, the neo trio Sam Rainsy, Chea Poch, and Cheam Channy were stripped from positions. Later Cheam Channy was put in prison while Sam Rainsy ran back home in Paris at speed of Boeing for shadow government conspiracy. Moment later, Kem Sokha- the US IRI horse, Rong Chhun, Mam Sonando, and CPP sympathizer Yeng Virak were illegally imprisoned for asking questions about merit of illegal treaties and Viet Nam encroachment. Hun Sen was in madness, he arrested his black sheep Generals who professed in drug smuggling then stripped and attacked Rannridh personally while one hand caressing Sam Rainsy.
Now he is after Heng Poev who was paid $50 monthly salary with the outlandish saving in multi million dollars in Phnom Penh bank and abroad. Remember, the trio reds were Sihanouk decoys who later reunified and returned to kill off real nationalists in 1975. For Heng Poev lure, everyone should pay attention closely; Hun Sen had King in his panty pouch who could pardon Heng Poev any moment after his double agent mission finished abroad. Beware big or tiny fishes, before bite the lure. All must ask own instinct and good sensible judgment before jumping ,in full clothing, into Hun Sen boiling water pot. Remember, Hun Sen is a very good apprentice and talented follower of the Great One known as the Prince of Light and Prince of Darkness as Sir Milton Osborne, the historian and author, titled his book in honor of the Royal Highness.
Each Sihanouk and Hun Sen ploy to garner popularity from public and self perpetuating politic to convince the world is indistinctively. Both are more of hypocrite and despotic to sub degree than the conscionable citizen. During Sihanouk time, Cambodia was bankrupted and let lived by China aids. The governmental offices filled with corruptive and nepotistic clans. Then the Cambodia Universal Human Rights Suffrage under Geneva Convention auspicious was totally contemptible and disregarded. Those who dared to speak up would be penalized jail time or firing squad. My dearly fellows, this is exactly happening in Cambodia now. So what are you going to do to stop it once for all?
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Contents
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Titles of Articles
• General Hok Lundy, dies in helicopter crash
• Tuol Krasaing's Gallery
• Little hope for DJ Ano to survive
• Another attack against the star, DJ Ano
• South-East Asian countries seek economic integrati...
• Obama in Cambodia
• CNN: Claimed by two nations 1:33
• Thai, Cambodia armies to Meet After Border Battle
• BREAKING NEWS: Thais Attacked at 3 Different Place...
• BREAKING NEWS: Fighting erupts in border dispute
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