Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Monday, March 01, 2010

Sam Rainsy charges draw criticism

In this photo taken May 1, 2009, Cambodian opposition party leader Sam Rainsy stands in front of the national assembly in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. On Monday, Nov. 16, 2009, Cambodia's Parliament stripped the country's outspoken opposition leader of his immunity from prosecution for uprooting border markers on the frontier with Vietnam.

Meas Sokchea and Sebastian Strangio (Phnom Penh Post)

A COALITION of civil society groups has criticised the filing of new criminal charges against opposition leader Sam Rainsy, calling for a “political solution” to the current row with the government.

On Friday, government lawyers filed two more charges against the embattled Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) president, accusing him of falsifying public documents in order to prove Vietnamese encroachment into Svay Rieng province.

“In Phnom Penh we have charged him with two offences. The first is involved with falsifying public documents, and the other is for spreading disinformation,” Ky Tech, a government lawyer, said on Sunday. If found guilty on both counts, he said, Sam Rainsy could face up to 18 years in prison.

On Friday, the Cambodian Human Rights Action Committee (CHRAC), a coalition of 23 local NGOs, said the new lawsuits had shined a light on the shrinking of the country’s democratic space, calling for all parties to come together in a spirit of “national reconciliation”.

“CHRAC … urges our political leaders to mutually respect each other and negotiate with political maturity in order to address national issues,” the statement read.

The new charges come after Svay Rieng provincial court sentenced Sam Rainsy to two years in prison in absentia on January 27 in relation to an October incident in which he joined villagers in uprooting six temporary border markers in Chantrea district. Villagers alleged that Vietnamese authorities planted the posts in their rice fields.

In January, the SRP released what it described as “unprecedented evidence” that four Vietnamese border markers in Svay Rieng sit well inside Cambodia’s legal territory as defined by French and American maps.

CHRAC’s chairman, Hang Chhaya, said that using the court for an endless procession of lawsuits was useless and added that a political resolution would allow people to “live in peace”. “This is intimidation – it affects the democratic process,” he said.

“We must guarantee safety for people so that they can live in peace. Resorting to the courts for lawsuits like this is useless.”

When contacted on Sunday, SRP spokesman Kimsour Phirith said that, despite what he described as intimidation on the part of the ruling party, the opposition was not scared and would continue voicing concerns about the Vietnamese border.

“Their aim is to remove Sam Rainsy from the country so that he does not disturb their affairs which were done already. This is a political issue, not a criminal issue as they are saying,” he said.

Some observers said the new lawsuits were aimed at preventing the SRP leader from participating in the 2013 elections. “I think it’s a kind of threat, to give an example for other people who dare to do the same thing,” said Son Soubert, a member of the Constitution Council and an independent political analyst, comparing the attacks on Sam Rainsy to the treatment of Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.

“The government, for the interests of all Cambodian people, should seriously dialogue with the opposition. Instead of listening to that foreign country, they should listen to their own compatriots.” He added: “There should be a serious investigation of all the maps by a neutral party.”

The Vietnamese border issue last prompted a government crackdown in 2005, when critics came out in opposition to the government’s border-demarcation treaty with Vietnam – the basis, along with a 1985 treaty, for the current demarcation efforts.

Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights, said the government’s offensive against Sam Rainsy was an indication that the situation on the eastern border was still a sore issue for Prime Minister Hun Sen even after the 2005-06 crackdown.

He also said it had distracted attention from Hun Sen’s own border stand-off with Thailand observing that the filing of the charges was bookended by two visits by Hun Sen to address soldiers at the Thai border and rally support for the military. “I’m sure the government is not happy that the issue is back again,” Ou Virak said.

Labels: hun sen, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Thursday, February 25, 2010

The document shows violations of even the 1985 Border Treaty signed by the controversial People’s Republic of Kampuchea

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The document shows violations of even the 1985 Border Treaty signed by the controversial People’s Republic of Kampuchea. Therefore, the current Phnom Penh government has no ground whatsoever to deny continuous border encroachment in Cambodia’s Eastern part.

1985 Treaty Boder and Current Border Markers (Rev 2)%5B1%5D

Labels: Border, hun sen, People’s Republic of Kampuchea, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Thursday, February 18, 2010

Cambodia's One-Party Future

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The opposition party has lost touch and Chinese patronage is threatening the prospect of multi-party democracy.

By BRENDAN BRADY
Phnom Penh

European Press Photo Agency
Opposition party members watch Sam Rainsy speak from exile.

A Cambodian court on Jan. 27 sentenced the country's main opposition leader, Sam Rainsy, in absentia to two years in jail, in a closed-door trial that opposition politicians and rights groups called blatant political persecution. The eponymous Sam Rainsy Party, the largest opposition party in Cambodia, says their power will not be affected by their leader's absence. He has, after all, fled the country before when facing a similar sentence, which was eventually annulled after negotiations with the ruling Cambodian People's Party and the king.

But when and if Mr. Rainsy returns, the promise of the opposition movement appears bleaker than ever—and his leadership is partly to blame. Many civil society groups that were once moved by Mr. Rainsy's calls for transparent and democratic governance are now critical of his party's current direction: They see the party as having lost touch with its original pro-democracy platform and focusing instead on emotional nationalistic disputes with the ruling party.

"The Sam Rainsy Party has become reactionary and lost their core liberal democratic message," says Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights. "They have become quite weak, and their future is in great trouble if they keep waiting for confrontational events to get media attention. They need to return to offering alternative policies." A survey released Feb. 2 by the International Republican Institute speaks to Mr. Virak's point. It found that Cambodians want to hear less bickering between parties and more about proposals for solutions to problems they face.

For ammunition, critics need look no further than the recent publicity stunt in which Mr. Rainsy helped villagers uproot posts demarcating Cambodia's border with Vietnam—the same act that earned his recent conviction. To score political points, the Sam Rainsy Party has revved up its criticism of Vietnam's alleged encroachment on Cambodian land, claiming that Prime Minister Hun Sen and his deputies were "letting" their more powerful neighbor do it. But relatively few Cambodians were actually affected by the demarcation of Vietnamese and Cambodian land in the isolated and scarcely populated border region; whereas thousands of Cambodians were evicted from their homes last year throughout other parts of the country.

The Sam Rainsy Party still has a popular leader in Mr. Rainsy's absence: Secretary General Mu Sochua. She is one of the few Cambodian politicians who can frequently be found walking through villages to talk to people about their problems, and her strident criticisms of the ruling party have earned her admiration in some quarters. But even she may not be able to save the party from decline.

To understand what the diminished strength of the Sam Rainsy Party means for Cambodia, it's important to understand the role the opposition party has played in the country's democratic development. Mr. Rainsy returned from to Cambodia from France in 1992, as the United Nations was beginning its peacekeeping mission in the war-torn country. Although the U.N. poured nearly $2 billion and some 20,000 soldiers and civilian staff into the U.N. Transitional Authority in Cambodia, it left in 1993 with only a fragile peace and political agreement in place between the country's factions.

Mr. Rainsy was at the forefront of the budding pro-democracy movement that inspired many at that time. When Mr. Rainsy started his own party in 1995, he distinguished himself from other politicians by putting democratic principles at the helm of his platform, and he claimed his movement would "mobilize millions of people" who shared the same ideals. Indeed, the Sam Rainsy Party offered a significant domestic voice fighting against graft and urging improved wages for workers and greater rights protections for all.

But now even this limited collective bulwark is breaking down—and not just because Mr. Rainsy is in exile. For the last couple of decades many of the most potent checks and balances against the ruling party have come from the leverage of Western aid donors, who attach stipulations of standards in governance and human rights to the hundreds of millions of dollars in aid money that flows into the country each year. But this equation is changing: With Beijing's patronage of Cambodia's government growing, the influence of Western countries to push for transparency and rights protections is weakening.

This was dramatically displayed last December when Beijing officials were able to lean on their counterparts in Phnom Penh to ensure a group of Uighur asylum seekers were sent back to China. Thanks in part to this phenomenon, the ruling party has been able to solidify its dominance over opposition parties by pushing through a constitutional amendment in 2006 that reduces the electoral majority it needs to stay in power.

Cambodia is beginning to look more and more like its neighbors, which are mostly one-party states. In the 1990s and early 2000s, the country's nascent multi-party democracy was riven by intimidation and violence, but there was space for competing ideas and parties to have a voice. Today, the main opposition party finds itself repeatedly muzzled. As China's influence in Southeast Asia continues to expand, this pattern may only grow stronger.

Mr. Brady is a free-lance journalist based in Southeast Asia.

Labels: Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Monday, December 21, 2009

Does the US know who it's dealing with in Cambodia?

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Opposition leader Sam Rainsy is rushed from the scene moments after a grenade attack on a political rally outside the parliament in Phnom Penh, March 30, 1997. Sixteen people were killed and more than 100 were injured in the explosions. (Reuters)

Absolutely, FBI files show.

By Douglas Gillison — Special to GlobalPost
Published: December 20, 2009 08:26 ET

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia — The local police not only failed to cooperate but actively tried to sabotage the FBI's investigation of Cambodia's worst peacetime atrocity.

Key evidence was doctored. Highly placed witnesses stormed out of interviews. Mischievous leaks to the media intensified threats to the FBI agents' safety. And according to the lead FBI investigator, who is now retired, Cambodian and US officials warned him that he was marked for assassination.

So much is written down in newly declassified FBI records from an investigation into the grenade attack on a peaceful opposition rally on March 30, 1997, which killed 16 children, men and women and wounded more than 100 others, including an American man. The FBI's disclosures were made this year under a Freedom of Information Act request filed in 2007 by The Cambodia Daily, a local English-language newspaper.

No arrests were ever made. What evidence could be collected in the six weeks the FBI were actively investigating here pointed to forces loyal to the man who is now Cambodia's unchallenged prime minister, to the party and the people who now dominate Cambodia unopposed and with whom the U.S., and the FBI in particular, have since sought warm
relations.

Cambodia is a small but eager partner for a United States that seeks other countries to help shoulder the burden of international peacekeeping, engage in counterterrorism efforts and police the world's remoter regions to allow trade and commerce to occur in safety.

Cambodian intelligence sharing, for example, allowed the CIA in 2003 to detain Hambali, the suspected mastermind in the 2002 bombings in Bali, Indonesia, which killed 202 people, and one of 16 "high-value" detainees currently held at Guantanamo Bay.

But, as the FBI records show, the broader security cooperation begun under the former administration of President George W. Bush with countries in the region — where China can compete for influence with the U.S. — may require a distasteful compromise in the promotion of human rights.

According to one U.S. Senate staffer who was briefed by the FBI in the late 1990s on the Cambodian grenade attack case, the U.S. has a tough decision to make in deciding whether to cooperate with the Cambodians, or any other known human rights abusers in Asia.

"Obviously we want to have accountability. We've been seeking that for more than a decade," the Senate staffer, who requested anonymity, said of the grenade attack.

"Do we then say that, 12 years later, it's inappropriate to have security cooperation with the government of Cambodia? It's a judgment call."

He also cautioned against assumptions that the FBI's evidence had reached an actionable threshold by the time the case was shut down. FBI briefers told Congress that physical evidence was not dispositive and that some witnesses had contradicted each other, he said.

"I don't think that it would be appropriate to withhold security cooperation with the government," he said, noting that while the U.S. remains "deeply concerned" about human rights here, the "basic policy is not to disengage with Cambodia."

According to FBI investigative reports and summaries, witnesses saw bodyguards for Hun Sen, Cambodia's current prime minister, protect and cooperate with the assailants, who then fled into a military compound used by Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party, or CPP, and were overheard discussing the attack amongst themselves.

The rally that came under attack was a protest calling for judicial reform and was staged by a fledgling member of the opposition, the Khmer Nation Party, led by Sam Rainsy, who survived unharmed. The U.S. government determined that, since an American was injured, the FBI had jurisdiction to investigate. The bureau was also invited to provide assistance by police officials from a political party in the unstable governing coalition.

Retired FBI Special Agent Thomas Nicoletti, the case agent assigned to the investigation, said the evidence amassed against the CPP, which staged a coup d'etat three months after the attack, was "substantial" but was incomplete because the investigation was cut short due to threats to his safety and mounting political tensions.

Threats on his life were relayed to him by both Cambodian police and the U.S. ambassador, who spoke of "hit teams" operating in Phnom Penh, Nicoletti said. However, the then-U.S. ambassador, Kenneth Quinn, denied relaying such information.

In the wake of the attack, and Hun Sen's armed takeover several months later, which the U.S. Congressional Research Service last year described as an "unlawful seizure of power" accompanied by as many as 100 political murders, the U.S. Congress cut off bilateral aid to Cambodia's central government and passed resolutions condemning the grenade attack and coup.

Relations did not stay sour forever, however. Military aid began in 2005. In 2006, Cambodia's National Police Commissioner, the late Hok Lundy, was awarded an FBI medal for counterterrorism cooperation. Direct bilateral aid resumed in 2007, when Hok Lundy was invited to Washington. And an FBI legal attache office, which coordinates police cooperation, was personally inaugurated in Phnom Penh in 2008 by FBI Director Robert S Mueller III.

According to Brad Adams, Asia director for Human Rights Watch, when the FBI gave awards to Hok Lundy and to his deputy Net Savoeun, who replaced him as National Police Commissioner after his death last year, "it was clear that the U.S. government didn't really prioritize human rights in Cambodia anymore."

"All of these people should be under investigation for serious and violent crimes, but instead are being feted and collaborated with," said Adams.

Cambodian authorities were reluctant to discuss the grenade attack. National Police Lieutenant-General Khieu Sopheak, the Interior Ministry spokesman and CPP liaison to the FBI during its investigation, said only that a suspect dubbed "Brazil" had disappeared, meaning the case had gone cold.

Adams said the apparent disconnect between U.S. interests in human rights and security cooperation has reached an intolerable level.

"This is the height of hypocrisy and cynicism and should end," he said.

"More important, this undercuts U.S. claims that promoting human rights, the rule of law and good governance in Cambodia are its main priorities. And it will alienate the many Cambodians who courageously continue to fight for rights and to move Cambodia from an authoritarian to a more democratic country."

Labels: CIA, FBI, Sam Rainsy

Thursday, November 26, 2009

Watch: Villagers' grievances can be heard

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During the Kathen religious ceremony at the above-mentioned pagoda on October 25, 2009, villagers living along the border with Vietnam complained to Sam Rainsy about the Vietnamese authorities grabbing their rice fields.

Labels: Border, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Sunday, November 15, 2009

FREEDOM PRIZE LAUREATE SAM RAINSY’S SPEECH

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(Getty Images)

FREEDOM PRIZE LAUREATE SAM RAINSY’S SPEECH
AT THE LIBERAL INTERNATIONAL 56th CONGRESS
PRESENTATION OF BOOK “25 YEARS PRIZE FOR FREEDOM”

31 October 2009 - Cairo, Egypt

Aung San Suu Kyi, Vaclav Havel, Benazir Bhutto, Corazon Aquino, Mary Robinson, Martin Lee, who doesn’t know these inspiring figures who have made the world’s recent history? They were also recipients of the Liberal International Prize for Freedom.

Today we are launching a book to celebrate 25 years of LI Prize for Freedom.

Founded in 1985, the Prize had 26 laureates (there were two laureates in 1991).

I was honored to receive the Prize in 2006 in Marrakech (Morocco).

Now, I am humbled to also, in a way, represent the other laureates at this ceremony.

They are, or were, most distinguished people who deserved the Prize much more than me.

But I am here because nobody else could come to Cairo today…

Let me first recall the origins, backgrounds and main features of the 26 laureates.

In terms of gender, there were sixteen males and ten females.

In terms of geographic origin, the laureates represented 25 nationalities (two of them were from South Africa).

In terms of occupation and professional background, there were 19 politicians also known as human rights advocates, and seven persons from the civil society including three human rights activists and four other persons: a scientist, a scholar, a writer and a poet who all worked for peace and freedom.

Are all the laureates still alive? 23 are still alive. Three have passed away: Raul Alfonsin (Argentina), Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan) and Corazon Aquino (Philippines).

Those who are still alive, what are they doing now? Most of them are old now – for sure older than 25 years ago – but they are still active in defending liberal values and ideals. One of them is the current president of Senegal, Mr Abdoulaye Wade. Two are in jail or under house arrest (Aung San Suu Kyi). Four are leaders of the opposition in their respective countries, including myself.

To fully understand the meaning and the importance of the LI Prize for Freedom, I invite you to read the book introduction by our president John Lord Alderdice.

“The Prize for Freedom was to be awarded to those who had struggled for Freedom in some of the most difficult and challenging political environments for Liberals around the world.”

“The Award would provide encouragement, recognition, in some cases, a degree of protection, since it would warn authoritarian regimes that moves against a Prize for Freedom Laureate would produce a storm of protest from liberals around the world.”

I fully subscribe to what John Alderdice wrote in his introduction.

I would add that, at least in my case, the Prize was not given to an individual. It was to honor a just cause in a particular context.

The cause is the defense of liberal values, above all Freedom that we all cherish.

The context for me was Cambodia.

The Prize was not given to me as an individual. I just received it, as the head of a team, on behalf of countless known and unknown colleagues and friends who had made sacrifices while serving the cause of freedom.

Founded in 1995, the political party that I lead in Cambodia, the SRP, is now the country’s second largest party and we will become, God willing, the number one party in a not too distant future.

But as of today, over eighty members of my party have been assassinated. Countless others have been injured, arrested, jailed, or forced to go into hiding or into exile.

I can never forget those who have been killed, sometimes in front of my eyes.

I have attended too many funerals. I would prefer not to receive any prize or award at all if I only could stop attending unnecessary funerals.

But things being as they are, the LI Prize for Freedom is a useful recognition of our legitimate fight and a powerful encouragement to us to go on fighting our uphill battle against a powerful dictatorship. The Prize gives us more courage and strength in the face of dictators who use the state media they control to denounce us as “traitors”, “anarchists” or “hooligans.”

Such a prestigious international award as the LI Prize for Freedom gives us legitimacy and honorability in the eyes of the whole world. It gives us irrefutable international credentials as democrats fighting for freedom, and that proves to be an invaluable protection against assaults from dictators who just want to eliminate us.

Thank you.

Labels: Sam Rainsy

Friday, September 25, 2009

Clarification - Response

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Translation from Khmer by Socheata

Council of Ministers
Press and Quick Reaction Unit

Clarification

According to the broadcast by Voice of America in the morning of 23 September 2009, H.E. Sam Rainsy, President of the Sam Rainsy Party, used a forum organized by the club of Thai journalists in Bangkok to criticize and attack the leadership of the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC), in particular, Samdach Akkok Moha Sena Bat Dey Dek Cho (SAMSBDDC) Hun Sen, calling him a former Khmer Rouge leader, and the [the latter is] using all means to silence the opposition voice. Regarding this unjust accusation, the Press and Quick Reaction Unit of the Council of Ministers is providing the following clarifications to the national and international opinion:

The [reason] Cambodian people is alive and receives everything as they are today is due to the gratefulness of the 07 January 1979, under the highest leadership of VIPs, such as Samdach Akkok Moha Ponhea Chak Krey Heng Xamrin, Samdach Moha Thormok Pothisal Chea Xim and SAMSBDDC Hun Sen who are currently the top leaders of the Senate, the National Assembly and the RGC, and they are also the top leaders of the CPP as well.

Under the genocidal Pol Pot regime, SAMSBDDC Hun Sen was a victim at that time, he fled the pursuit by the Khmer Rouge to kill him, and he joined with other VIPs to form the 02 December front to help liberate the people of Cambodia out of the killing fields, this is contrary to the accusations made by the opposition leader. Besides leading the liberation of the people from the genocidal regime, SAMSBDDC Hun Sen applied the win-win policy to successfully destroy the political and military Khmer Rouge organizations, and he cooperated with the UN to form the Khmer Rouge tribunal to currently judge the Khmer Rouge leaders as well.

After the 1993 election, the Cambodian kingdom No.2 upholds a plural democratic regime, and the constitution, which is the supreme law of the state, guarantees and protects the freedom of expression rights, the freedom for journalists, [the freedom] to form associations, to gather, etc… In fact, currently, we have newspapers, bulletins, magazines, radio stations, television stations, associations of journalists, for a total of 660 units, as well 2,800 NGOs, and other organizations that are conducting their activities freely in the kingdom of Cambodia and overseas, this is contrary to the accusations made by a group of immoral people. Currently, when the nation is filled with total safety throughout the country, the application of the rule of law is the primary goal of the government led by SAMSBDDC Hun Sen, only peace and the rule of law can lead the country to development according the national development policy and the rectangular strategy. The RGC respects the freedom of expression by the people, in particular that of journalists who have expert training, but they cannot use their journalist title to affect the honor of others. Therefore, any action that incites, divides the national society, causes anarchy in the society, violates the rights of others, they must absolutely be curbed through the administration of a country that is civilized, i.e. through the use of the legal system under the rule of law.

In summary, the Press and Quick Reaction unit believes that H.E. Sam Rainsy cannot maintain his dignity as politician. He always uses his personal freedom to select a foreign location to criticize and attack the country leaders, calling them dictators. H.E. Sam Rainsy never dares criticize the political goals of the government, such as criticizing the rectangular strategy and the various reforms brought up by the government, but he is turning to attack individuals instead. The criticism on individuals is universally considered as total political immorality. The lack of morality by H.E. Sam Rainsy led him to shamefully lose to H.E. Hor 5 Hong, the vice-PM and minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, [in the latter’s lawsuit] at the Paris court recently. To preserve dignity, we hope that this opposition leader will act with common sense, without seeking revenge [in order] to unite in the building and development of the country, in order to help alleviate poverty for the Cambodian people.

Done in Phnom Penh, 23 September 2009
Press and Quick Reaction Unit

Labels: hun sen, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy

Saturday, June 20, 2009

SRP WILL NOT REPLACE MU SOCHUA

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SRP WILL NOT REPLACE MU SOCHUA

June 20, 2009

While pushing for the lifting of Mu Sochua’s parliamentary immunity, Prime Minister Hun Sen has been suggesting that she be replaced as a National Assembly member at the initiative of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party.

On behalf of the SRP, I can assure the Cambodian people and all Cambodia’s friends that Mu Sochua’s seat at the National Assembly will remain hers until the end of her legal term and that no replacement will be appointed.

Mu Sochua is the victim of an injustice. Hun Sen wants to eliminate her from Cambodia’s political landscape. It is a blatant abuse of power that is only possible with a subservient judiciary and a rubber-stamp parliament.

Replacing Mu Sochua would be like politically burying her alive and complying with Hun Sen’s insane desire.

When, in 2005, Cheam Channy, another SRP National Assembly member, was stripped of his parliamentary immunity and subsequently put in jail following a trumped-up criminal charge, there were also suggestions that he be replaced. But it was clear to us that replacing Cheam Channy would mean that we would accept the injustice done to him, let our colleague down, contribute to his political elimination and compound a personal tragedy. We proudly accepted to temporarily and practically lose a seat, a voice and a vote at the National Assembly.

We were right to stick to our principles. In 2006, Cheam Channy was released from prison, his immunity restored, and he recovered his seat at the National Assembly.

We are confident that adopting a similar position in the case of Mu Socha now is the right thing to do.

The same observations apply to the case of countless SRP-affiliated elected commune councilors, including commune chiefs, who have been arrested and sent to jail for politically-motivated charges. For instance, Mu Sochua’s case cannot be dissociated from the case of Tuot Saron, the SRP-affiliated elected chief of Pong Ro commune in Kampong Thom province’s Barai district. Tuot Saron is currently and unjustly in jail. But he will not be replaced. We will do all we can to help free him and to re-install him as commune chief as we are fighting to render justice to Mu Sochua.

Sam Rainsy
Member of Parliament
SRP President

Labels: Hu Sen, Mu Sochua, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Friday, February 27, 2009

Sam Rainsy Lost his Parliamentary Immunity

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Sam Rainsy Lost his Parliamentary Immunity

26 Feb 2009
By Leang Delux (Cambodge Soir Hebdo )

He challenges the decision of the Standing Committee of the National Assembly to lift his parliamentary immunity, and plans to write to the king asking him to pardon.

The Standing Committee of the National Assembly has shown a remarkable speed in deciding, Thursday 26 February, to lift the parliamentary immunity of Sam Rainsy, at the request of the Minister of Justice, Hang Vong Ratana. The leader of the opposition becomes a citizen like any other, although it has been condemned by the National Electoral Committee, to pay a fine of 10 million riels (U.S. $ 2 400), for having criticized the leaders of the PPC, during the legislative July 2008.

Chheang Vun, PPC member, member of the Standing Committee of the National Assembly and Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, confirmed that decision. "Under the Constitution, during the vacancy of the National Assembly, the Standing Committee can make that decision and inform the House plenary session," he said to "Cambodge Soir Hebdo." However, Article 80 of the Constitution provides an additional step: "The decision of the Standing Committee of the National Assembly must be submitted at the next plenary session for adoption by a majority of two thirds of its members. "

The Standing Committee plans to write to the Minister of Justice informing him of its decision to lift the immunity of Sam Rainsy.

Meanwhile, the leader of the opposition denies: "I have not lost my immunity because the Assembly has not yet decided in plenary session, the Standing Committee has no right to take this decision. "

Sam Rainsy criticized the process: "I take a while because I called the Constitutional Council to examine whether decisions condemning me are in accordance with the Constitution," he says.
The President of the PSR account out of this impasse by a spin: "I will write to the king gracie for me and I will pay 10 million riels to the Kanta Bopha Hospital. "

In 2005, Sam Rainsy had already lost his parliamentary immunity after defaming Norodom Ranariddh

Labels: Cambodia Parliament, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Saturday, January 17, 2009

alliance between the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) and the Human Rights Party (HRP)

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The idea of an alliance between the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) and the Human Rights Party (HRP) in Cambodia slowly but surely reached the successful shores of completion. The presidents of both parties, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha, signed on Thursday January 15th a common declaration officially establishing the “Democratic Movement for Change”, sealed with a frenetic handshake and a mutual smile. In Kem Sokha's own words, this “historic” moment was welcomed with profuse applause by elected representatives and campaigners from both opposition political formations gathered for the occasion at the SRP headquarters. From now on, the candidates will stand for election under one name but insisted their Movement was in no way the merging of their respective parties.

The idea of a Movement had been ripening for a while
When they registered their formations at the Cambodian National Election Committee (NEC) before the July 2008 legislative elections, the issue was raised. They eventually decided to stand for election as two different parties. After the July 27th 2008 elections, which confirmed the domination of Prime Minister Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party (CPP) on the Cambodian political scene, SRP and HRP leaders, together with representatives of the FUNCINPEC and Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP), presented a united front in their protest against the election results. A long crusade of denunciation ensued, but Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha soon found themselves alone in the equation and battling side by side for their common cause.

Since then, they often aligned themselves with each other's ideas without however setting up any official rapprochement between their parties. On December 18th, Kem Sokha, back from a trip to North America, expressed his wish for the creation of the alliance they had mentioned many times before. The principle of the alliance seemed more or less established since on September 17th 2008, both parties had set up a technical committee in charge of laying the foundations for their union, composed of representatives from both formations.

Initiating change with a view to change society
The new “Democratic Movement for Change”, as its name suggests, aims at gathering “true democratic forces” with the continuous goal of operating “change in the Cambodian society”, Kem Sokha explained in an introduction to the press conference called for the occasion. “The creation of this Movement will allow citizens to make their choice more easily in future elections, and it is a response to a request made by our fellow-citizens”, he added.

Sam Rainsy, answering a question formulated by Mam Sonando, director of Radio Beehive (FM 105) who was in the audience among other journalists, publicly thanked him for having encouraged, very early, both parties to unite. To Mam Sonando's question on whether the formations had thought over the conditions of their alliance to prevent a potential separation in the future, the SRP president replied that discussions on that subject had started the very day after the legislative elections. “After the elections, we both made the same observation: time had come to change the direction of the country, and besides it is currently a trend in democratic countries. As a consequence we will elaborate a joint list to stand for the 2012 communal elections and the next legislative elections in 2013. I am convinced that other political formations will join our alliance”, he said, hopeful.

SRP / HRP? Who will hold the reins?
But what about the allocation of tasks and the roles of each within the Movement? The crowd of journalists was dying to receive an answer, but Sam Rainsy shrugged it off, insisting that “what matters is change”. “Cambodia and the Khmer people need change. And for democratic change to happen, the people must have a new choice!”, he maintained.

Neither of them set conditions on the way responsibilities will be allocated. “We do not need to do that. We will not compete, and rivalries between our parties will not matter much. If any competition there is, it will then be with another party. The goal is to have more influence than that party... [...] In a word, anyone will be entitled to be a candidate to the position of Prime Minister or president of the Movement, as long as these persons respect the principles of the Movement”, Sam Rainsy detailed.

Kem Sokha agreed with his political partner: “The problem is not there. What we want is to serve the interest of the nation and Khmer citizens. If we need power, it is democratic power we are talking about! Our Movement has a solid foundation and a position which is far from being inconsistent. We are not affiliated to any other Cambodian political party and we do not depend on any foreign group. [...] We will not argue about power, but we will act on behalf of the Democratic Movement for Change, not on behalf of the SRP or the HRP.”

“Should disagreements arise, this will not mean that we have become enemies. Unity will prevail, it is a principle!”, Kem Sokha asserted. As for Sam Rainsy, no concern to be raised on that matter either. He gave as an example the case of the United States: “Before being elected president, Barack Obama was Hillary Clinton's rival. But after the elections, he offered her the position of Secretary of State [the equivalent of a Minister of Foreign Affairs] and even kept the Minister of Defence from G. W. Bush's government!”

Perspectives on the long run
Sam Rainsy claimed he believed in the longevity of their Movement, “which must hold on at least until we meet our goal: achieving democratic change”. In a merely concealed reference to difficulties encountered by the FUNCINPEC and its alliances with the CPP, he promised that the Democratic Movement for Change would not be weakened by petty internal quarrels “like other parties” suffered in 1998 and 2003. He did not fail to have a dig at “some” who chose to rally to the ruling party in exchange for good job positions and money.

The SRP and the HRP will continue discussing issues to detail in depth the new structure of the alliance. Sam Rainsy already foresees good results in the next election polls since “as it was the case in the United States, people always need change”. As a reminder, the SRP won 26 seats in the National Assembly and the HRP, 3, in the last legislative elections, out of a total of 123 MP seats. Kem Sokha, for his part, also nourishes “great hopes” for the next polls. “Here, we have already gathered strength and responded to a wish expressed by many citizens. Now, we still have to fight for free and fair elections”, he declared, before calling SRP and HRP activists to “work hand in hand as from today”.

Besides, to those who might question the legality of their alliance, both leaders said their action was part of a “legal, peaceful and democratic frame”. They called intellectuals in the country, Khmer citizens from Cambodia and abroad and other campaigners from other parties potentially tempted to take part in the adventure, to join the new alliance, because “the time has come to speak with one voice”.

Labels: HRP, Kem Sokha, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Thursday, December 11, 2008

Hor Namhong Versus Sam Rainsy

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Hor Namhong Versus Sam Rainsy:
Hearing at the French Court on December 9, 2008

December 11, 2008 (By Sam Rainsy Party Blog)

Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Affairs Minister Hor Namhong has filed a defamation lawsuit against Sam Rainsy before the French Court following the publication this year in France of a book by the opposition leader titled "Des racines dans la pierre" (Rooted in Stone).

The hearing which took place at Le Palais de Justice in Paris started at 4:50 pm and ended at 8:30 pm.

Hor Namhong was there with five lawyers. They brought Raoul Jennar, a Belgian "expert on Cambodia", as a witness. Sam Rainsy was there too but with only one lawyer and no witness.

Hor Namhong's arguments

1- Former King Norodom Sihanouk was condemned by the French Court on January 23, 1991 after being quoted as saying in the French newspaper Le Journal du Dimanche dated July 23, 1989:

"L'équipe de Monsieur Hun Sen est composée d'anciens Khmers rouges archi-criminels. Par exemple, Hor Nam Hong, ex-commandant d'un camp de concentration Khmer rouge, est responsable de la mort après d'atroces tortures de beaucoup d'anciens membres de la résistance anti-américaine, tels mon cousin le prince Sisowath Méthavi et son épouse, sœur aînée de ma femme… "

"Mr. Hun Sen's team is made up of former arch-criminal Khmer Rouge officials. For instance, Hor Nam Hong, ex-commander of a Khmer Rouge concentration camp, is responsible for the death, after atrocious tortures, of many former members of the anti-American resistance, such as my cousin Prince Sisowath Methavy and his spouse, who was my wife's elder sister…"

According to Hor Namhong, Sam Rainsy in his book made against him the same allegations as the ones Norodom Sihanouk made nearly twenty years ago; Sam Rainsy should then be condemned in the same way as the former King was condemned by the same Court.

2- Hor Namhong lost many relatives under the Khmer Rouge regime. Therefore, he could not have cooperated in any way with the Khmer Rouge.

Sam Rainsy's arguments

1- In his book Sam Rainsy actually wrote:

"Hun Sen n'était pas seul dans son cas: la plupart des supplétifs du régime vietnamien avaient frayé avec les Khmers rouges. Quand Ranariddh et Hun Sen eurent définitivement scellé mon compte, ils ne trouvèrent pas mieux que de nommer à la tête de mon ministère Keat Chhon, celui qui, pendant tant d'années, fut le principal conseiller de Pol Pot. Et quelques années plus tard, le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères serait un ancien collaborateur du pouvoir khmer rouge soupçonné d'avoir causé la mort de nombreuses personnes dont des membres de la famille royale".

"Hun Sen was not alone in his case: most of the Vietnamese regime's auxiliary staff had cooperated in one way or another with the Khmer Rouge. When Ranariddh and Hun Sen had definitively decided on my fate, they did not find anything better than appointing at the head of my ministry Keat Chhon, the man who, for so many years had been the main adviser to Pol Pot. And several years later, the Foreign Affairs Minister could be a former collaborator of the Khmer Rouge regime suspected of having caused the death of many people including members of the royal family."

Sam Rainsy points to the fact that what he wrote is not exactly the same, in the content and in the form, as what former King Norodom Sihanouk had reportedly said.

2- There have been new developments and new evidence against Hor Namhong since 1991 when the former King lost the first lawsuit filed by Hor Namhong before the French Court. Sam Rainsy refers to The Cambodia Daily report "Clouded History" published on July 1-2, 2000, the interview of Senator Keo Bunthouk (Mrs. Ieng Kounsaky) titled "A camp called Boeng Trabek" published in The Phnom Penh Post dated January 19 - February 1, 2001 and the book by Ong Thong Hoeung "J'ai cru aux Khmers Rouges" (I believed in the Khmer Rouge) published in Europe in 2003. Related documents at http://tinyurl.com/56czqh

Hor Namhong said that he had filed a defamation lawsuit in Phnom Penh against The Cambodia Daily for the above-mentioned report and that he won the case. Out of the two authors of the report, only the Cambodian reporter [Thet Sambath] was condemned by the Cambodian Court because the other one, who is an American national [Kelly McEvers], "ran away." He said that all the defamation cases initiated by him in Cambodia have been closed because all the concerned journalists [including Dam Sith, the editor of Moneaksekar Khmer (Khmer Conscience) who was jailed for one week this summer], have apologized to him.

Raoul Jennar said that he has been hired by the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Phnom Penh (ECCC) as an "independent expert." To defend Hor Namhong he said that the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge was "centralized" in such a way that "only six persons in the Khmer Rouge top leadership could make the decision to kill any person." He also said that the Cambodian government is in no way responsible for any delay in the judicial proceedings at the ECCC.

The French Court will decide on the case on January 27, 2009.

Labels: Hor Nam Hong, Khmer Rouge Tribunal, Sam Rainsy

Friday, September 26, 2008

Flawless new Parliament session in Cambodia

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Cambodian parliamentarians and King Norodom Sihamoni pose for a picture after the opening of the first parliamentarian meeting to form a new government after the national elections in July at the national assembly building in Phnom Penh September 24, 2008. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea (CAMBODIA)

Cambodia's King Norodom Sihamoni (C) is greeted by parliamentarians after opening the first parliamentarian meeting to form a new government after the national elections in July at the national assembly building in Phnom Penh September 24, 2008. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea (CAMBODIA)

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen walks past an honor guard upon his arrival to attend the first parliamentarian meeting to form a new government after the national elections in July at the national assembly building in Phnom Penh September 24, 2008. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea (CAMBODIA)

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen at the country's National Assembly building in Phnom Penh on September 24. Cambodia's parliament has re-elected Hun Sen as prime minister, extending his 23-year grip on power, at a session boycotted by parties disputing the results of the July general election. (AFP/Tang Chhin Sothy)

Flawless new Parliament session in Cambodia

24 Sept. 2008
By Duong Sokha and Ros Dina
Ka-set (KI-Media)

The inaugural session of the fourth Parliament held in the morning of Wednesday 24 September at the National Assembly, presided by the king, as well as the swearing-in ceremony of the elected MPs at the Royal Palace at 4:00 PM on the same day, went without a hitch for the very first time. With the exception of Kem Sokha’s HRP, all political parties sent in all their elected MPs, i.e. 119 out of a total of 123 MPs. On Wednesday, Prime minister Hun Sen, who was re-appointed to his PM position by King Sihamoni, called the day a “historical” one, noting that the morning meeting took place for the first time in the in the NA building under the presence of the “new” king Sihamoni who was crowned in 2004. The day also marked the 15th anniversary of the kingdom’s Constitution and it bore another symbolic meaning to the events of the day. King Sihamoni congratulated Hun Sen and the other MPs for their NA nomination, and he said that he hopes the fourth mandate Parliament will accomplish a good job.

Conditions imposed by the Opposition

“Yesterday [Tuesday], before 7 PM, it was heard that the SRP and the HRP would boycott today’s ceremony,” Hun Sen noted at a press conference held at the end of the morning ceremony. He then discussed about the negotiations led that Tuesday evening between the opposition leaders, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha, and Kith Meng, the CPP’s mediator sent in by Hun Sen.

Hun Sen added: “Among the conditions imposed by the opposition is the adoption of a proposal for a new [NA] internal rule that they have drafted. I let them know, through Oknha Kith Meng, that the NA cannot adopt a proposal which has not been examined yet. To amend the internal rule, an ad-hoc committee must be set up and the latter will send in its conclusions to the Parliament law committee, and then after this latter’s exam, it will send the text to the NA permanent committee which will then summon a debate session.”

According to Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha had also called for the government to recognize the role of parties not appointed in the government. “On this point, I am personally its guarantor,” Hun Sen assured.

On the other hand, Hun Sen did not agree to the opposition request that the five parties having seats at the NA sign a common declaration. “I told Mr. Oknha Kith Meng that it was a dumb and impudent maneuver which hold the parties as hostages, and that this would be no more no less than a political declaration. Its signing would be contrary to the NA internal rule,” Hun Sen indicated. Hun Sen added that this declaration includes among others, the engagement by political parties to participate in the first NA session, the strengthening of public institutions, but also, an amendment to the election law and a reform of the National Election Committee (NEC) so that all competing political parties could recognize the election results – a contentious point for Hun Sen.

SRP last minute decision

It was at daybreak on Wednesday that SRP MPs decided that they will join the day’s ceremony. Hun Sen personally thanked them for their participation.

Son Chhay, the SRP spokesman, explained that the resolution to abandon the boycott was subject to the last negotiations held with Kith Meng. “Hun Sen had accepted to create a working group to revise the NA internal rule, as our party had asked. We had also demanded reforms allowing the opposition to have a guaranteed official role at the NA. I find this good, this system is in practice in several democratic countries. It will be written in black and white in the NA internal rule. The opposition leader will be officially nominated by the king and he will be allotted a special budget to lead the opposition,” said a delighted Son Chhay.

Son Chhay added that the other amendment to the NA internal rule demanded by the opposition is the fact that parties with small number of Parliament seats, i.e. those with less than 10 seats, could have their voice heard on the floor during debates, as such was not the case in the past.

“We are promoting the national interest first, in front of personal interest and of those of our party. The situation requires them, Cambodia is currently at a critical junction with the invasion of Thai armed forces and a galloping inflation…,” Son Chhay explained while indicating that his party did not ask for the presidency of any Parliament committee, but that the SRP requested that the NA internal rule be respected.

Son Chhay also insisted on the fact that, since 1993, this is the first time that all MPs came to the NA inaugural session. In 2003, the SRP MPs boycotted this session.

HRP absence

“When I shook Sam Rainsy’s hand [this morning], I asked him why Kem Sokha was not there. He told me that he did not know. Their alliance is no longer upheld? Who cheated who? Maybe Kem Sokha was held back by a traffic jam and arrived too late?” Hun Sen speculated.

Kem Sokha clarified: “We were not late! We did not go, just like what we announced because our claims were not heard. We will start working normally this Friday,” Kem Sokha explained. The HRP won 3 seats at the NA.

When asked about the robustness of the alliance between the SRP and the HRP, Son Chhay assured that nothing change. “Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha was negotiating together yesterday evening, and both wanted to have a common declaration by all the parties represented at the NA in view of a national reconciliation, and a strengthening of democracy with the existence of pluralism.”

Labels: Cambodia National Assembly 2008-2013, Cambodia Parliament, Cambodia's King Norodom Sihamoni, Kem Sokha, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy

Wednesday, August 13, 2008

Election Results Adjusted for Fraud Give Fewer Seats to CPP

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Sam Rainsy's letter as published in The Cambodia Daily, August 12, 2008

Election Results Adjusted for Fraud Give Fewer Seats to CPP

In "Opposition Parties Reiterate National Assembly Boycott Threat" (August 9-10, page 3), you mentioned figures about the election results adjusted by SRP for irregularities.

NEC's provisional figures published on August 9, 2008, reiterated that the CPP won 3.49 million votes and 90 seats versus 2.05 million votes and 31 seats for the combined opposition: SRP, Human Rights Party and Norodom Ranariddh Party.

''The true results of the election" that I presented -- 77 seats for the CCP, 35 for the SRP, seven for the HRP and two each for Funcinpec and the NRP -- were based on taking back from the CCP votes that were fraudulently collected after CPP commune chiefs had issued forged 1018 registration forms to its supporters. Another adjustment was made taking into account the fact that a significant portion of the electorate identified as non-CPP supporters, had been disenfranchised.

We have made our calculations based on two hypotheses.

1- Our minimum hypothesis is based on the assumption that:

a) An average of 10 forged 1018 forms were given out in the vicinity of each of the 15,254 polling stations, making a total of 152,540 forged forms and inflating the CPP votes by the same amount.

b) An average of 50 non-CPP supporters were disenfranchised at each polling station, meaning that a total of 762,700 voters nationwide were prevented from voting for non-CPP parties. Many independent observers acknowledge that up to 10 percent of the 8.1-million-strong electorate were prevented from voting.

2- Our maximum hypothesis is based on the assumption that:

a) An average of 65 forged 1018 forms were given out in the vicinity of each polling stations, making a total of 991,510 forged forms and inflating the CPP votes by the same amount (see July 29 SRP statement "What election observers did not see in a rigged election"). We now have proof that the 1018 forms were methodically and systematically issued by the CPP local authorities nationwide. This maneuver was conducted on an unprecedented scale.

b) An average of 65 non-CPP supporters were disenfranchised at each polling station, meaning that a total of 991,510 voters nationwide were prevented from voting for non-CPP parties (see the above-mentioned SRP statement). This figure is to be compared with the 2.1 million registered voters who did not or could not vote at the July 27 poll. Based on the much smaller number of people (less than one million) who did not vote at the previous national elections, we can infer that half of the above 2.1 million people wanted to vote but could not because they were disenfranchised. This led to the lowest voter turnout for a national election since the poll organized by the United Nations in 1993. The three opposition parties are now collecting petitions throughout the country from those voters who deplored the loss of their voting rights.

For each of the two hypotheses, we have revised the election results by:

a) Taking back from the CPP votes associated with forged 1018 forms.

b) Increasing, for the main non-CPP parties (SRP, HRP, NRP, Funcinpec), the number of their votes by the number of disenfranchised voters, using an allocation key that reflects the actual breakdown of non-CPP votes based on figures published by the NEC.

The minimum hypothesis shows the following results:

- CPP: 3.34 million votes; 78 seats

- SRP: 1.75 million votes; 34 seats

- HRP: 0.52 million votes; 7 seats

- NRP: 0.45 million votes; 2 seats

- Funcinpec: 0.40 million votes; 2 seats.

Total CPP + Funcinpec: 3.74 million votes; 80 seats

Total SRP + HRP + NRP: 2.72 million votes; 43 seats

The maximum hypothesis shows the following results:

- CPP: 2.50 million votes; 67 seats

- SRP: 1.87 million votes; 41 seats

- HRP: 0.56 million votes; 7 seats

- NRP: 0.48 million votes; 3 seats

- Funcinpec: 0.43 million votes; 5 seats.

Total CPP + Funcinpec: 2.93 million votes; 72 seats

Total SRP + HRP + NRP: 2.91 million votes; 51 seats

Furthermore, CPP lawmaker Cheam Yeap's statement about the "three opposition parties" having "representatives" in the National Election Committee is simply not true.

In all cases NEC members had to resign from their original parties; therefore, to say that NEC has political party members as its representatives is a mistake. In any case, no NEC members came from NRP and HRP and only two members were originally from SRP, versus five from CPP and two from Funcinpec, making a total of nine.

What's more, the representatives originally from SRP had actually protested in writing against NEC's plan to unfairly delete voters' names, but they were overruled, which is hardly surprising given they were by far in the minority.

Finally, Cheam Yeap advocated that the NEC's proceedings were observed for irregularities at all levels by international observers and party representatives. In this connection, what does this CPP official think about the assessment by the EU Election Observation Mission that the Cambodian elections of 2008 "fell short of key international standards"?

Sam Rainsy
SRP President

Labels: CPP, Election, hun sen, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Giving up freedoms to settle for 'peace'

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Giving Up Freedoms to Settle for 'Peace'

By A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D. (Pacific Daily News)

Whether one perceives Cambodia's recent elections as a glass half full or a glass half empty depends on one's personal political socialization.

Some would see the elections as successful, as the level of violence associated with this exercise of franchise was less than it has been in the past. Those who were victims of the violence that did occur could be expected to have a different view.

Human Rights Watch Asia director Brad Adams warned against "the trap of using lower standards" for judging Cambodia's elections.

The Mekong Times' Ly Menghour's Aug. 4 article refers to photos depicting a finger-wagging Hun Sen apparently scolding opposition leader Sam Rainsy at a departure ceremony for King Father Norodom Sihanouk and his family on Aug. 1, as their "first public exchange of words" since the elections."

The Times says Sen called "demonic" a joint letter by the Sam Rainsy Party, the Human Rights Party, and the Norodom Ranariddh Party protesting election results; and reports Sen's warning to Rainsy that the SRP's "26 seats" won in the elections "will be divided among other (political parties)" should the SRP boycott the Sept. 24 swearing-in ceremony of the elected parliamentarians. The Times says the smiling Rainsy responded: "My party represents the votes of two million."

In his Aug. 5 letter to the editor, Rainsy declares, "the new Assembly cannot even validly convene without participation from the opposition."

Published reports state the head of the royalist FUNCINPEC party, Keo Puth Reasmey, and his wife, Princess Norodom Arunrasmey, a prime minister candidate, have been told by Sen to resign from the party.

On July 28, the Voice of America broadcast a four-party call to Cambodians and the world "not to recognize the results of the July 27, 2008, elections." Prince Sisowath Sirirath signed for FUNCINPEC.

But an Aug. 2 article by Menghour reports FUNCINPEC's reversal of opinion, as it announced after a closed meeting that it may be "not satisfied with the (election's) outcome," but it "(will) not make a complaint against the election results."

Beyond Sen and Cambodia's elections is the fundamental issue that divides peoples and nations: economic development versus rights and freedom of men.

A political animal, man seeks freedom and justice. Without justice, some men will not stop struggling, undermining a durable peace.

When I was still teaching, I attended a lunch in Washington, D.C., with two good friends: One, a political appointee, touted the policies of human rights and freedom of the United States; the other, a ranking Asian diplomat, defended his country's policy of order and security as a prerequisite to economic development.

What I injected into the discussion was my view -- summarized in "Individual freedom in stable society" in the Sept. 10, 1997, edition of the Jakarta Post, and "The world must have balance for survival," in the Sept. 7, 1997, issue of the Pacific Sunday News. Both referenced Somalia, Bosnia, Myanmar and Cambodia, where "repressive" regimes used terror against their people while the West, notably the United States, did not intervene, and how the Association of South-East Asian Nations embraced "non-interference."

I believed then and now that economic development and human rights and freedom are not mutually exclusive.

I didn't think my two friends finished their meal satisfied.

I find the July 29 Christian Science Monitor's David Montero's "In Cambodia vote, stability wins" sums up the Cambodian elections well: "Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has ruled for 23 years, won another five-year term Sunday. His party has overseen several prosperous years; critics say it stifles democracy."

Sen is credited for Cambodia's economic growth of more than 10 per cent a year since 2000. The CEO of private-equity fund Leopard Capital that will inject $500 million into Cambodia's economy, cheered Sen's election as a "best-case scenario" for big investors. I doubt if Cambodian victims of land grabbing agree.

British economist Christopher Windsor, who called Cambodians "brainless" for handing the elections to Sen, reminded that even if Cambodians make "twice more" than they did before, the goods and services are "three times more expensive," and the 10 percent growth rate that is "distributed among rich CPP members" means that "all Cambodians" are hurt.

The head of the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights, Galabru, spoke of the CPP's "mirage of economic stability" as the poor are being evicted from their homes and their land at an alarming rate: "You have a GDP increase, but look at the gap between rich and poor. More than 40 percent (of Cambodia's total population of 14 million) live below the standard income."

Political analyst Sedera Kim told Montero that in Asia, "you don't care about the content of democracy. You care about economic performance first." Galabru begged to differ: "Democracy anywhere, in Europe, in North America, in Asia, must be the same. This is a universal principle," she argued.

Ironically, no Cambodian is in a better position than Sen himself to redress the imbalance of values and principles, and stability and order. But he is the man who said he would stay in power until he's 90, and would not leave power even if he would not win the elections.

A balance between economic growth and human rights must be established in Cambodia, where the people have too long suffered. Unfortunately, economic growth that does not lift the poorest of boats only diminishes the horizon for the millions who are left in the shallows.

A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D., is retired from the University of Guam, where he taught political science for 13 years. Write him at peangmeth@yahoo.com.

Labels: CPP, Election, Funcinpec, Prince Ranariddh, Sam Rainsy

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

EU monitor says Cambodian election biased in favor of ruling party

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EU Monitor Says Cambodian Election Biased in Favor of Ruling Party

2008-07-29 (PR-Inside)

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (AP) - The European Union on Tuesday said last weekend's national elections in Cambodia failed to meet international standards because of biases in favor of the country's ruling party.

The criticism came the day after Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen's ruling party claimed it had won a landslide victory in parliamentary elections. The results were expected to usher in a new term for the premier who has ruled the country for 23 years.

Martin Callanan, the head of an EU election monitoring team, said all aspects of organizing Sunday's polls were «dominated by the Cambodian People's Party,» which allow «accusations of lack of impartiality to be made,» he said.

Callanan said there was bias during the election campaigns, citing «a widespread use of state resources,» including the use of government-registered vehicles by ruling party officials.
He also said the party dominated the media coverage «which was not consistent with international standard on free and equal access to the media.

But Callanan declined to characterize the election as unfair despite allegations of widespread vote rigging from smaller parties, including the main opposition Sam Rainsy Party. They have called on the international community to reject the results.

Tep Nitha, the election committee's secretary-general, declined to comment on the issue.
in a joint statement Monday, four small parties including Sam Rainsy, said Hun Sen's party won through «illegal and fraudulent practices.» They cited the National Election Committee's alleged removal of tens of thousands of legitimate voters from electoral lists to prevent them from casting ballots for other parties.

They also accused the electoral body of acting as «a tool for the CPP to organize a sham election and present a facade of democracy.

Khieu Kanharith, the spokesman of the ruling party, dismissed the allegations of fraud.
Callanan said his team will release its final findings on the election in October.

The CPP has claimed a landslide victory with up to 91 seats in the 123-seat National Assembly, which is the lower house of Parliament. Official results are expected in a few days.

Hun Sen has been at the center of Cambodian politics since 1985, when he became the world's youngest prime minister at age 33. He has held or shared the top job ever since, bullying and outfoxing his opponents to stay in power.

Sunday's voting was the fourth parliamentary election since the United Nations brokered a peace deal for the country in 1991, a process meant to end decades of civil unrest that included the 1975-79 genocidal reign of the Khmer Rouge.

Labels: Election, hun sen, Sam Rainsy

Cambodia's Poll 'Did Not Meet Key International Standards'

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Cambodian women stand in line to vote outside a polling station in Kampong Cham province north of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Sunday, July 27, 2008. Longtime Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is widely expected to extend his 23-year tenure with a victory in Sunday's parliamentary elections, buoyed by a surge of nationalism amid a tense border dispute with neighboring Thailand. (AP Photo/Sakchai Lalit)

Cambodia's Poll 'Did Not Meet Key International Standards'

PHNOM PENH (AFP) — Despite improvements in electoral processes, Cambodia's recent election was flawed and did not meet key standards, international monitors said Tuesday.

Prime Minister Hun Sen's ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) won 59.6 percent of the vote in Sunday's election, compared with nearly 21 percent for the nearest rival, the opposition Sam Rainsy Party, according to a partial count by Cambodian electoral authorities.

But the poll was marred by the CPP's domination of media coverage, the improper deletion of people from registration lists so they could not vote, and other irregularities, said a preliminary report by 130 European Union election monitors.

"While the campaign was generally conducted in a more peaceful and open environment compared to previous elections, the 2008 National Assembly Elections have fallen short of a number of key international standards for democratic elections," said Martin Callanan, who led the EU observers.

"Ultimately, it's up to the Cambodian people to accept or reject the results," Callanan said, adding that the EU would issue a more detailed report with recommendations in October.

The Asian Network For Free Elections (ANFREL) called for an investigation and "a serious penalty" for manipulation of the vote.

"The election was maybe free, but not fair at all," said Somsri Hananuntasuk, head of ANFREL's election monitoring mission to Cambodia.

The main problem was people being deleted from voter lists, while there also needed to be limits on campaign financing and the ruling party's control of media, she said.

The EU calculated that 50,000 voters were left off rolls, but Callanan said that would not have greatly affected the election since early results show a large majority for the CPP.

"Any irregularities that were proved would clearly have to be on a very large scale in order to invalidate that result," he said.

However, the four minority parties rejected the outcome, accusing the CPP of fiddling with the voter rolls to ensure their victory.

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy estimated that one million out of 8.1 million registered voters had been cut from the rolls. He said his party members observed 50 to 100 people at each of the country's 15,000 polling stations had been unable to vote.

"The large-scale irregularities here can change the result of the election. I'm disappointed that such a so-called expert could make such a mistake," Sam Rainsy told AFP Tuesday outside the EU's press conference.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights noted lower violence from previous elections but said in a Tuesday statement it had observed "threats, intimidation and inducements directed against political activists" to get them to change parties.

The CPP has claimed victory, saying it captured at least 90 of the 123 seats in parliament, giving them more than a two-thirds majority.

Local rights groups have expressed concern that if the CPP did secure a majority there would be fewer checks and balances in the country's fledgling democracy.

At 55, Hun Sen has ruled Cambodia for 23 years and has vowed to remain in power until he is 90. He had been widely tipped to win amid a booming economy and nationalist sentiment sparked by a border feud with Thailand.

Labels: Election, hun sen, Sam Rainsy

Four Main Parties Reject 'Sham' Election

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(L-R) Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) leader Sam Rainsy, Human Rights Party leader Khem Sokha, member of royalist FUNCINPEC Prince Sisowath Sirirath and member of Norodom Ranariddh Party Muth Chantha hold hands during a news conference, as they reject election results saying it was manipulated by the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CCP) at SRP headquarters in Phnom Penh July 28, 2008. CCP claimed a landslide victory on Monday in an election bestowing another five years in power on ex-Khmer Rouge guerrilla Hun Sen, prime minister for the past 23 years. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea (CAMBODIA)

Four Main Parties Reject 'Sham' Election

By Heng Reaksmey

28 July 2008 (VOA Khmer )

Representatives from four non-ruling parties gathered at opposition headquarters Monday to reject Sunday's national election as "a sham," after the ruling Cambodian People's Party appeared to have won enough seats to form a single-party government.

Top officials of the Sam Rainsy, Human Rights, Norodom Ranariddh and Funcinpec parties signed a letter calling on "Cambodian public opinion and the international community not to recognize the results of the July 27, 2008, elections, which were manipulated and rigged by the ruling Cambodian People's Party."

There have not been five separate parties elected to the National Assembly since the 1993 Untac elections, and the joining together of four against one is unprecedented.

In 1998, the Sam Rainsy and Funcinpec parties joined together to protest election results in the wake of the 1997 coup.

That three-month crisis of government led to mass demonstrations in the capital and a brutal crackdown by government forces, where scores of demonstrators were disappeared and presumed killed.

In 2003, the government was deadlocked for 11 months, due to an alliance between Funcinpec and SRP that prevented a coalition government.

"We have already strengthened together to deny the results of the election, and also for the voters," opposition leader Sam Rainsy told a large crowd gathered at his headquarters Monday afternoon. "We need to revote across Cambodia."

"We appeal to the EU and the international community to deny the results, because there are so many irregularities during the election," Human Rights Party Presdient Kem Sokha told the same cheering crowd.

The parties "hope in the future will have an alliance together" and have the same goals, he said.

The main point for the alliance would be to send a message to the people "who love justice" to come to work together.

The four parties condemned "illegal and fraudulent practices" in Sunday's polls, including "deletion of countless legitimate voters' names and [an] artificial increase in the CPP voters to cast their ballots for the CPP."

The parties also condemned "the tricks and maneuvers of the National Election Committee, which is only a tool for the CPP to organize a sham election and present a façade of democracy."

"I'm not surprised about this information," NEC Chairman Im Sousdey told reporters Monday. "We always see after the election Cambodian political parties doing the same thing."

Government spokesman Khieu Kanharith said Monday unofficial results now showed the CPP with 90 seats, followed by the Sam Rainsy Party with 26, Human Rights Party with three, Norodom Ranariddh with two, and Funcinpec with two.

Khieu Thai Sarakmony, a 57-year-old from Phnom Penh who joined the crowd at SRP headquarters Monday, said he supported the cooperation of the four parties for the people.

"But it should have been earlier," he said, "before the election."

Labels: CPP, Election, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Monday, July 28, 2008

Four Major Political Parties Reject Election Results

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Four Major Political Parties Reject Election Results

28 July 2008

The undersigned political parties call on the Cambodian public opinion and the international community not to recognize the results of the July 27, 2008 elections which were manipulated and rigged by the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP).

The main illegal and fraudulent practices are related to deletion of countless legitimate voters' names and artificial increase in the CPP votes associated with 1018 forms issued by CPP-controlled authorities to illegitimate voters to cast their ballots for the CPP.

We call on the public opinion to condemn the tricks and maneuvers of the National Election Committee which is only a tool for the CPP to organize a sham election and present a façade of democracy.

For FUNCINPEC PARTY
SISOWATH SIRIRATH

For HUMAN RIGHTS PARTY
KEM SOKHA

For NORODOM RANARIDDH PARTY
MUTH CHANTHA

For SAM RAINSY PARTY
SAM RAINSY

For additional information:

FUNCINPEC 012 888 320
HRP 012 400 026
NRP 012 937 392
SRP 092 888 002

Labels: Election, Funcinpec, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Cambodia's Ruling Party Claims Victory

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Cambodia's Ruling Party Claims Victory

By Lisa Murray in Phnom Penh

Published: July 28 2008 03:00 | Last updated: July 28 2008 03:00

The Cambodian People's party, buoyed by a decade of political stability and strong economic growth, claimed victory in yesterday's parliamentary elections, extending Hun Sen's 23-year reign as prime minister.

The CPP said late last night that it had won almost two-thirds of the national assembly's 123 seats. However, it looks set to face a stronger and more unified opposition after early reports indicated that its main rival, the Sam Rainsy party, had made significant gains.

Yesterday's parliamentary elections were the fourth since the UN brokered a peace deal be-tween Cambodia's Vietnamese-backed government and the Khmer Rouge in 1991.

A constitutional change means the CPP no longer requires a two-thirds majority to form a government and therefore will not have to seek the support of a coalition partner.

A spokesman for election monitoring group Comfrel said early results showed the SRP could have won as many as 40 seats, at the expense of the royalist Funcinpec party. Official results are expected this week.

A strong economy and the national sentiment stirred up by the recent border dispute with Thailand underpinned support for the CPP, in spite of anger at rampant corruption.

Many voters cited the strong economy as the chief reason behind their vote for the party. Solid tourism, -garment and construction sectors have underpinned average annual economic growth of 9.5 per cent since 2000.

"People have noted a tangible improvement in their lives over the last five years," said Douglas Clayton, managing partner of Leopard Capital, an investment group in Cambodia.

While observers said the election was generally free and fair, they expressed concern about media bias and allegations of political violence and vote buying.

A journalist for an opposition party-backed newspaper and his son were shot and killed this month. The US embassy offered the resources of the Federal Bureau of Investigation to look into the case, an offer that has so far been ignored.

"It's very worrying because it contributed to a climate of fear among journalists," said Martin Callanan, a member of the European parliament and the EU's chief observer. "There is already a heavy bias towards the CPP in the media."

Mr Callanan said his team was also concerned that 50,000 names were missing from voter lists.

Sam Rainsy, SRP leader, called for a recount after he claimed 200,000 names were left off the lists in the capital city alone, accounting for a quarter of its voters.

So far there is no evidence to suggest these names were scrat-ched for political reasons.

The SRP has attracted strong support among the urban elite for its anticorruption drive.

The royalist Funcinpec, which won the majority of votes in Cambodia's first election in 1993, looks to have lost most of its seats.

It was previously led by Hun Sen rival Prince Norodom Ranariddh but he was ousted in an internal coup, and set up his own party.

Labels: Election, hun sen, Sam Rainsy

Early Results Point to Ruling Party Win in Cambodia Election

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Early Results Point to Ruling Party Win in Cambodia Election

By south-east Asia correspondent Karen Percy (ABC News)

Early results show that Cambodia's ruling party has been handed another five years in office after voters again endorsed the long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen.

The Cambodian People's Party has increased its number of seats in Parliament at each successive election since 1993.

After early counting, it is claiming 80 of the 123 national seats this time around.

That is exactly what the party had been predicting, and the leader of the main opposition party, Sam Rainsy, says that is because the Government has manipulated the vote.

Early results also reveal that Sam Rainsy's party has increased its representation in the Parliament.

It expects to have 40 seats, its best electoral performance yet.

Both parties have benefited from the split within the royalist movement.

Official results are expected later today.

Labels: Election, hun sen, Sam Rainsy

Hun Sen Wins Cambodian Election and Probably Expands Majority

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Hun Sen Wins Cambodian Election and Probably Expands Majority

By Daniel Ten Kate

July 27 (Bloomberg) -- Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, a former communist who has ruled for two decades, won today's election and probably increased his parliamentary majority amid greater prosperity and a wave of nationalism over a border dispute.

Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party finished first in the voting, followed by opposition leader Sam Rainsy's party, named after himself, said Khan Keo Mono, a spokesman for the National Election Committee.

``Votes are still being counted but the CPP probably won more seats than it did in 2003,'' the spokesman said by telephone today. Official results are expected tomorrow.

The ruling party's victory may lead to more foreign investment. The economic expansion and a recent military standoff with neighboring Thailand over disputed land near the 11th-century Preah Vihear temple, a United Nations' World Heritage Site, have benefited the incumbent government.

``Political stability has been and will continue to be the most important contributor to Cambodia's rapid economic growth,'' said a July 21 note from the Cambodia Investment and Development Fund, one of several funds planning to spend about $450 million in the country.

In the 2003 election, Hun Sen's party won 73 of 123 parliamentary seats, or 59 percent, short of the two-thirds majority then required to form a government. In 2006, lawmakers changed the constitution to allow a party to form a government with a simple majority. Hun Sen said he expects to win 81 seats in this election.

Disenfranchised

Sam Rainsy, whose party won 24 seats in the 2003 election, said today that 200,000 voters in Phnom Penh were disenfranchised because their names were taken off voter lists. He called for a re-vote in the capital, where he outperformed Hun Sen in the previous election.

Election observers, who noted the missing names on voter lists, said the poll was cleaner than in previous years. Human rights groups have said political violence during this campaign season did not reach the level seen in years past.

``This election was better,'' Hang Puthea, executive director of the Neutral and Impartial Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia, a non-governmental organization, said by phone Sunday night. ``We saw irregularities but they were fewer than we saw before.''

Sam Rainsy was probably exaggerating the number of people whose names were left off voter lists, Hang Puthea said. The National Election Committee has the authority to call a new election, an unlikely prospect at this point.

``The election went smoothly; we just had some problems with missing voter names,'' said Khan Keo Mono, the national election committee spokesman. He added that those people ``cannot vote anymore.''

Growing Support

For now, Hun Sen, 56, is enjoying growing support as foreign investment creates jobs in the energy, agriculture, tourism and garment industries and he rewards rural voters with new schools and paved roads. The ongoing troop buildup along the Thai border has stirred up nationalism that gave him a boost heading into today's election.

Thailand and Cambodia plan to meet tomorrow in Siem Reap, home to Cambodia's famed Angkor Wat temple complex, to try and resolve the row over 4.6 square kilometers of disputed land. Thailand appointed a new foreign minister yesterday to lead negotiations after the previous one was forced to resign over the issue.

Issue Resolution

New Foreign Minister Tej Bunnag said in a statement today that he is ``confident that on the basis of their close and long- standing friendship, the two countries will be able to find ways to resolve the issue together.''

Cambodia has started to rehabilitate its image as a corrupt beggar state after the Khmer Rouge in the late 1970s killed most of the educated class. It received $763 million in foreign aid last year.

Foreign investment is set to double from $2.7 billion this year, according to the Cambodian Investment Board, a government agency. As the country prepares to open a stock market next year, foreign investment funds such as Leopard Capital are looking at banks, office buildings, luxury hotels and other projects.

To contact the reporters on this story: Daniel Ten Kate in Bangkok at dtenkate@bloomberg.net

Labels: Election, hun sen, Sam Rainsy

Sunday, July 27, 2008

Longtime Cambodian Leader Claims New Election Win

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Longtime Cambodian Leader Claims New Election Win

By KER MUNTHIT

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (AP) — Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen's ruling party claimed it had sealed a landslide victory in parliamentary elections Sunday that were expected to usher in a new term for the former Khmer Rouge soldier who has ruled for 23 years.

Hun Sen's popularity at the polls was buoyed by a surge of nationalism amid a tense border dispute with neighboring Thailand.

The 57-year-old Hun Sen's reputation as a strongman served him well in the campaign, with voters rallying around the leader as Cambodian troops faced off with Thai soldiers for a second week at a disputed 11th century Hindu temple.

Just hours after polling stations closed, the ruling Cambodian People's Party appeared to be "leading everywhere" and estimates from party agents nationwide indicated a sweep of more than 83 seats in the 123-seat lower house, said party spokesman Khieu Kanharith. Such a result would strengthen the party's dominance and give it a two-thirds majority in the 123-seat lower house.

"We can claim a landslide victory. It is certain," the spokesman told The Associated Press, adding that vote counting had been completed in most constituencies.

Thun Saray, head of the Cambodian election monitoring group Comfrel, said it was "early to declare victory but the trend shows that CPP is winning." Official results were expected later in the week.

In power since 1985, Hun Sen is Asia's longest-serving leader. He was expected to win the vote even before the military standoff escalated earlier this month. But patriotic passions over Preah Vihear temple and Hun Sen's firm stance against Thailand have swayed many undecided voters in his favor, analysts say.

"Everybody now supports the government because this is a national issue," said Kek Galabru, a prominent Cambodian human rights activist and election monitor. "More people will vote for (Hun Sen) to give him more power to deal with Preah Vihear."

Chan Sim, a 72-year-old in the capital, said he cast his ballot for Hun Sen's ruling party "because of its good leadership and ability to keep unity."

Hun Sen had voiced little doubt that his party, which held 73 assembly seats during the past five-year term, would return to power for another five years.

"I wish to state it very clearly this way: No one can defeat Hun Sen," the prime minister said earlier this year.

Hun Sen has been at the center of Cambodian politics since 1985 when he became the world's youngest prime minister at age 33. He has held or shared the top job ever since, bullying and outfoxing his opponents.

Sunday's voting was the fourth parliamentary election since the United Nations brokered a peace deal in 1991 meant to end decades of civil unrest that included the 1975-79 genocidal reign of the Khmer Rouge.

When Vietnam's army drove the Khmer Rouge from power in 1979, Hun Sen at age 27 was named foreign minister and later prime minister in a single-party Soviet-style regime.

The first election was held in 1993 and supervised by the United Nations. The royalist Funcinpec party won but was strong-armed into forming a coalition with Hun Sen, who later wrested full power in a 1997 coup.

Repeated allegations of vote fraud have failed to dent the dominance of the ruling party, which has wooed Cambodia's poor majority with populist policies and dotted the countryside with schools, temples and roads.

Internationally, he has faced criticism for alleged corruption and human rights abuses. But Hun Sen argues that his tenure has ushered in peace and stability after the Khmer Rouge's rule, during which an estimated 1.7 million people died.

A former Khmer Rouge soldier, Hun Sen has embraced free-market policies that have recently made Cambodia's economy one of the fastest growing in Asia, expanding at 11 percent in each of the past three years.

The opposition Sam Rainsy Party, which held 24 seats in the lower house of Parliament, campaigned for an end to alleged government corruption, greater attention to human rights and the country's poor. More than a third of Cambodians live on less than $1 a day.

An irate Sam Rainsy claimed that some 200,000 registered voters in the capital, Phnom Penh, where the opposition is strongest, were unable to cast ballots because their names were left off voter lists. He demanded a new vote in the city.

National Election Committee chief Tep Nitha dismissed the fraud allegation, saying voters had been told to check last year if their names were on voting lists.

This year's election campaign was upstaged by the military standoff with Thailand.

The controversy revolves around less than two square miles of land that has been in dispute since French colonialists withdrew from Cambodia in the 1950s.

The International Court of Justice awarded the temple site to Cambodia in 1962, but anger flared in Thailand last month after Thai Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej backed Cambodia's successful bid for the temple to be listed as a U.N. World Heritage Site.

Thailand sent troops to the border July 15 after Thai anti-government demonstrators assembled near the temple. Cambodia responded by sending its own troops to the border.

Labels: Election, hun sen, Sam Rainsy

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Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Monday, March 01, 2010

Sam Rainsy charges draw criticism

Thursday, February 25, 2010

The document shows violations of even the 1985 Border Treaty signed by the controversial People’s Republic of Kampuchea

Thursday, February 18, 2010

Cambodia's One-Party Future

Monday, December 21, 2009

Does the US know who it's dealing with in Cambodia?

Thursday, November 26, 2009

Watch: Villagers' grievances can be heard

Sunday, November 15, 2009

FREEDOM PRIZE LAUREATE SAM RAINSY’S SPEECH

Friday, September 25, 2009

Clarification - Response

Saturday, June 20, 2009

SRP WILL NOT REPLACE MU SOCHUA

SRP WILL NOT REPLACE MU SOCHUA

Friday, February 27, 2009

Sam Rainsy Lost his Parliamentary Immunity

Sam Rainsy Lost his Parliamentary Immunity

Saturday, January 17, 2009

alliance between the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) and the Human Rights Party (HRP)

Thursday, December 11, 2008

Hor Namhong Versus Sam Rainsy

Hor Namhong Versus Sam Rainsy:Hearing at the French Court on December 9, 2008

Friday, September 26, 2008

Flawless new Parliament session in Cambodia

Flawless new Parliament session in Cambodia

Wednesday, August 13, 2008

Election Results Adjusted for Fraud Give Fewer Seats to CPP

Election Results Adjusted for Fraud Give Fewer Seats to CPP

Giving up freedoms to settle for 'peace'

Giving Up Freedoms to Settle for 'Peace'

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

EU monitor says Cambodian election biased in favor of ruling party

EU Monitor Says Cambodian Election Biased in Favor of Ruling Party

Cambodia's Poll 'Did Not Meet Key International Standards'

Cambodia's Poll 'Did Not Meet Key International Standards'

Four Main Parties Reject 'Sham' Election

Four Main Parties Reject 'Sham' Election

Monday, July 28, 2008

Four Major Political Parties Reject Election Results

Four Major Political Parties Reject Election Results

Cambodia's Ruling Party Claims Victory

Cambodia's Ruling Party Claims Victory

Early Results Point to Ruling Party Win in Cambodia Election

Early Results Point to Ruling Party Win in Cambodia Election

Hun Sen Wins Cambodian Election and Probably Expands Majority

Hun Sen Wins Cambodian Election and Probably Expands Majority

Sunday, July 27, 2008

Longtime Cambodian Leader Claims New Election Win

Longtime Cambodian Leader Claims New Election Win

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Hor Namhong Versus Sam Rainsy:
Hearing at the French Court on December 9, 2008